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Jonathan has been content to stand back and support his young wife's efforts to become recognized for her outstanding weaving abilities. In the meanwhile he creates baskets showcasing his tradition and culture. Visions of Corn Spirits, Rainbow Yeis, Sacred Corn and Masked Impersonators all come to life through his capable hands. It is most often Alicia who comes through the doors with Jonathan's baskets. When asked where her husband is, she generally replies, "Out in the car, watching the kids." "Well, get him in here, we want to talk to him and take a picture," is our most common response. Alicia will smile, walk to the front doors and wave him in. He certainly has to be expecting the call because it happens the same way practically every time. He breezes into the store, stands for pictures, then tries to escape. His reason is that he has to get back to the car to watch the children. We do our best to hold him up long enough to get an explanation of what he has woven. His interpretations are usually short and to the point.
On a recent visit, for example, Alicia made her way into the trading post with a very interesting basket, which portrayed an ear of corn on a white background, surrounded by a green and black border. There were a number of people in the store, and everyone was drawn to the basket, they all wanted to know what it meant. Alicia quickly let everyone know that she had not woven the basket; her husband did and he was in the car. The group wanted to know the symbolism behind the design. Having been through this scenario before, I knew what was coming. Giving me a nervous look, Alicia went to the door and gave Jonathan the, "Come on in wave." It seemed to have no effect. Waving a second and then a third time with more emphasis, Alicia finally drew Jonathan from the car. Slowly coming up the steps, with a look of apprehension on his face, Jonathan hesitantly entered the store. It was easy to see that he did not want to be here.
The people are happy to meet Jonathan, and they shook his hand, congratulated him on his artistic accomplishment and ask him to interpret the basket's hidden meaning. Poor Jonathan gulped, took a deep breath and began. Pointing to the ear of corn he said, "That's us." He then pointed to the white background and said, "That's the dawn." Finally he pointed to the encircling pattern and said, "This is protection." He smiled uneasily and exited the trading post, escaping back to the car and his child care duties. Everyone looked after him, feeling, I am sure, a little short changed. Their interest had been sincere, and they wondered what had happened. The small crowd looked to Alicia for an explanation. None was forthcoming. The poor girl was feeling a bit overwhelmed at that point. I felt sorry for her and stepped in to help if I could. Between the two of us we did our best to complete the interpretation. Everyone seemed satisfied at this point so Alicia beat a hasty retreat. I am sure Jonathan got an earful on the trip home for leaving her stranded like that.
The manner in which Jonathan "teaches" about his art forces us to do more research and to ask more direct questions. I guess that one can call it an effective way to educate; it certainly leaves a lasting impression however. Having been taught by his mother to weave gave Jonathan a head start with his art. The creativity he brings to basket weaving, however, is his own contribution. We look forward to many more years of working with Jonathan, and hope to gain a better understanding of his interpretation of a rich and meaningful culture.
There
also was a man made of stone who lay stretched out on a hill beside the river
just west of the Aztec Ruins. When anyone walked past he would kick them into
the San Juan River, and when they were drowned, he would feed them to his two
children. He was called Tseh-ed-ah-eh-delkithly, which means Kicking Rock. His
children lived in the river and ate the drowned people. Pgs. 70,71
Next day after breakfast, having found out from his mother where he should go,
he started off to Tseh-ed-ah-eh-delkithly (the Rock-that-Kicks-People-into-the-River).
He saw a man lying on his back with his head on a bluff and his feet near the
river, and he was pulling the whiskers out of his chin. When Nayenezgani tried
to pass, he kicked at him, and Nayenezgani said: "What is the matter, Sechai
(Grandfather) ?" The Rock Man said : "My leg was cramped, and I had
to kick to straighten it out." Four times he was questioned and he answered
four times. After that Nayenezgani took his stone knife and hit the Rock Man
on the head, and cut through his breast, hips and legs, chopping him into four
pieces and then scalping him.
The Rock Man's children lived in the river and Nayenezgani threw the pieces
of the Rock Man down to them, and heard them quarreling for the pieces of meat,
saying: "That is my piece," not knowing that they were eating their
own father. Then Nayenezgani went down into the river and killed all the children
except two. One was called Kahtsen (Alligator) and Nayenezgani said to him:
"You must never hurt anyone again, will you promise this?" And the alligator
answered "I am not sure." Nayenezgani asked this four times but the Alligator
would not promise. The other child who was spared was called Siss-'Tyel (Turtle),
and was told to be good in the future, as he would be used for medicine by men,
and his shell would be used to drink out of and also to make medicine in, and
the turtle agreed to this and said that he would always be good. So Nayenezgani
went home on the rainbow and they danced and celebrated his return as before.
Pgs. 92,93
A turtle valued for beads made from its shell. The shells of turtles are used as medicine cups. Pg. 157
As previously discussed, each living thing has an inner form and Holy Wind placed within it through which it has the capacity to live, think, speak, and move; Holy Wind is also the means of communication between all elements of the living world. Messenger winds from the inner forms of various natural phenomena based in the four directions inform, advise, and protect people and also report back on their behavior. When Changing Woman and the other diyin dine'e departed after completing Creation, they left gifts and instructions about the correct way to live. These Holy People are based in the cardinal directions, and thanks to the messenger winds they are all-knowing. Pg. 96
Furthermore the act of breathing connects human beings to all living things. It is important to remember that nilch'i, Holy Wind, can also be translated as "air," and is "an omnipresent entity in which (all) living beings participate." In the act of breathing, air is constantly being exchanged and boundaries being altered: "On inhaling, the powerful ones (the Holy People) enter one's lungs and are both a part of the breather as well as his being a part of and linked to all other beings." Thus, by breathing, one has direct access to the thought and speech of the Holy People. This is why the patient rises from the sandpainting and leaves the hogan to breathe in the power of the Sun. Through this ritual act the patient inhales the lifegiving, healing power of the Sun into his being. Pg. 193
Changing Woman was created after the Emergence into the present world. From her impregnation came the Twins whose adventures and exploits feature the killing of numerous monsters (except for the enemies known as Cold, Hunger, Poverty, Desire, Want, Old Age, and Sleep), exemplify ideal behavior for Navajo males, and augment the number of sacred places recognized by Navajos for their importance in mythological events. Before the Holy People decided to withdraw to permanent homes in the cardinal directions (located in the sacred mountains of the East, South, West, North, zenith, and nadir), Changing Woman created the Earth Surface People whom the Navajos recognize as their ancestors. After other creations, she and the other deities departed, leaving behind gifts and numerous instructions about how to live. While presently based in the cardinal directions, these supernaturals are considered to be ever-present as anthropomorphic inner forms of various natural phenomena and forces, potentially everthreatening, ever-active, ever-instructive, and because of a Messenger Wind communication network, all-knowing and -overseeing. Thus, it is no wonder that traditional religion among the Navajos is a daily effort to maintain the delicate balance between good and evil, filled with ritual observances, songs, prayers, and avoidances designed to bring forth positive actions on the part of the supernaturals.
In such a universe, it is up to the individual to know and abide by the numerous prescriptions and proscriptions established by the Holy People, thus maintaining harmony with other humans, nature and forces in the supernatural world, and helping to maintain equilibrium among the supernatural forces. Though personally responsible and accountable, however, humans are not left without models. The universe, which consists of interrelated elements and complementary components, is orderly and operates according to rules of reciprocity which even the supernaturals are compelled to recognize. Even more important, a person can draw on an indwelling Wind, acquired from both parents at conception, which governs behavior and character. This Wind within, one of the guises of Holy Wind which exist within and around all things, has been identified by McNeley as the primordial force in the cosmos. It is the primary source of moral guidance if one receives proper instructions from parents, thinks about them, heeds the advice and warnings of the Holy People when harmful Winds weaken the Wind within in evil ways, or petitions the Little Winds and prayers and offerings to strengthen the Wind within and thus counteract evil. Pgs. 2-3
The transformation of corn ears into human beings indicates an obvious association between wind and breath, and cross references establish whorls - through whirlwinds - as elements of the associative group; hence the explanation that breath enters the body at the places where there are whorls. Since down is easily set in motion by wind or breath, down feathers and motion are further extensions of the group.
Wind is
an element, which carries the life-force of nature. In the Ways, Wind is thought
to be a messenger who possesses cunning, but also a certain caring for mortals.
Medicine men breathe upon their patients to invigorate them with Wind's power,
for it was Wind who first gave life to the mountains. Pg. 47
However, there was no life in anything. This was because the beings were empty.
Wind had not been born yet, so there was no life, So it was that things waited.
They waited for strength. While they were doing this, a cloud of light appeared
in the east. It rose and fell and streamers of light came off it. The People
watched it turn black. From that blackness, they saw Black Wind coming. Then
the cloud of light turned blue, and Blue Wind came. The cloud of light turned
yellow and Yellow Wind came. The cloud of light turned white, and White Wind
came. And the cloud of light then showed all colors at the same time and Many-Colored-Wind
came.
The cloud of light made Rainbow of the Earth.
And there was White Early Dawn
Blue Sky of Noon
Yellow Sky of Sunset
And Dark Sky of Night.
Each of
these times is a holy time of day, and The People understood this, and when
the Winds came and passed through them, they knew they were blessed. The Winds
made lines on the fingers and toes and heads of The People. And they entered
into the mountains and waters, and everything else. And they gave them life,
because Wind is Creation's first food. Pg. 71
Now First Man and First Woman knew that The People wanted more light to see
the new world. So they told The People to put offerings on the wings of Bat.
The People did this and the offerings turned into stars. But since the stars
did not have life in them, First Man and First Woman told two boys to sing life
into them. They began to do this when Coyote came along and stole the boy's
voices. Therefore, the stars could not flicker the way they were supposed to.
The People gave Coyote offerings, and when he accepted them, he sang to the
east, south, west, and north. Then light was breathed into the stars, and they
began to shine. The constellations were next to go up into the sky. First Man
and First Woman had worked out where they were going to put them. But Coyote
got them and scattered them all over the place. This made more work for First
Man and First Woman. They had to fix everything up again and blow on the sky
until it was just the right height from the earth. Pgs. 89, 90
Navajos say that Wind comes in many forms: mild, intoxicating, wild, unruly.
Thus, Wind can be good or bad, and like Snake, can hide almost anywhere. Invisible,
Wind can enter a man's inner ear, and influence his innermost thoughts. Pg.
117
When he was himself again, the elder brother taught his younger brother the
ceremony which the Holy People had taught him. "You must remember not to
fear the Wind People," he said, "for we Earth People are a part of
them." Pgs. 120, 121
Creation of the Stars. hashchezhini, the Firegod, placed the various constellations in their respective positions. He is also accredited with blowing the stars of the milky way across the sky. Such other stars as he wished to keep in reserve were scattered by the Coyote (atse' hashke') over the heavens. The Navajo, therefore, have no names for many constellations. The Coyote planted but one star permanently in the heavens, which is therefore called ma'i biso', coyote's star. Pg. 353
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The division
of the year into twelve months may also have been superimposed on traditional
Navajo concepts. This may be why only some of the months have specific constellations
associated with them. Four of the months were said to have feather headdresses
composed of the following constellations: November (Nilch'its'osi, Time of Slender
Wind) had Hastiin Sik'ai'i (Old Man with Legs Ajar) as its feather; December
(Nilch'itsoh, Great Wind) had `Atse'etsoh (First Big One); January (Yas Nilt'ees,
Crusted Snow) had Yikaisdahi (Awaits-the-Dawn); and February (`Atsa Biyaazh,
Baby Eagle) had Gah heet'e'ii (Rabbit Tracks). In July (Ya'iishjaatsoh, Great
Seed Ripening), Dilyehe (which has no agreed-upon English translation) appears
in the early morning. Chamberlain's (1983) identification of these constellations
varies slightly from O'Bryan's. The following constellations rise heliacally
that is, they first appear in the morning sky before the sun comes up at the
following times: in November, Hastiin Sik'ai'i (Corvus) appears (O'Bryan identifies
this as Orion); in December, `Atse'etsoh (the front of Scorpius, or at least
Antares) is visible; in January, the brighter part of Yikaisdahi (Milky Way)
begins to appear like false dawn; in February, Gah heet'e'ii (the tail of Scorpius)
appears (O'Bryan identifies this as a star cluster under Canis Major); and by
July Dilyehe' (the Pleiades) is visible before the morning light. Pgs. 75, 77
Chanters A and B identified the eight major Navajo constellations recognized
today as Na'hookos bika'ii, the Big Dipper; Na'hookos ba'aadii, Cassiopeia;
Dilye'he', the Pleiades; A'tse'ets'ozi, Orion; Hastiin Sik'ai'i, Corvus; A'tse'etsoh,
the front part of Scorpius; Gah heet'e'ii, the tail of Scorpius; and Yikaisdahi,
the Milky Way.
The Big Dipper and Cassiopeia revolve around the almost motionless star called
Polaris, forming a universal reference point that is visible at all times of
the year in the northern hemisphere. The Navajo names for these constellations
translate as the Male One Who Revolves and the Female One Who Revolves, a reference
to their movement around Polaris, which is thought of as the source of their
illumination.
Dilye'he', the Pleiades, is a small but distinctive cluster of six easily visible
stars with a fainter seventh star; seven stars are usually depicted in Navajo
renderings.
Orion, whose Navajo names translates as the First Slim One, is a conspicuous
winter constellation composed primarily of a quadrangle of bright stars bisected
by three stars that form a belt.
Corvus (the Crow) has a Navajo name that means Man with Legs (or Feet) Ajar.
This constellation forms a quadrilateral figure located in a fairly dark part
of the sky; most Navajo renderings include four stars.
The large fishhook shape of Scorpius, a summer constellation in the southern
sky, is easily identifiable." The Navajo (as well as the Skidi Pawnee [Chamberlain
1982]) divide Scorpius into two constellations: A'tse'etsoh, the First Big One,
is the front of Scorpius, while Gah heet'e'ii, Rabbit Tracks, is the tail of
Scorpius.
Yikaisdahi, the Milky Way, is a universally known "landmark" in the
sky because of its continual presence and conspicuous appearance, owing to the
multitude of distant stars that compose this whitish ribbon.
The underlying theme of the story of stellar creation is the interplay of order
and disorder. While the Navajo recognize specific orderly groupings of stars
in the heavens, which were carefully placed by the Holy People, they consider
other stars to exist without patterning, in a state of disorder, as a result
of the impulsive actions of the trickster and philosopher, Coyote.
As with the other temporal markers, the stars were created for a purpose: not
only were they to provide light in the heavens for those times when the moon
was absent or waning, but also they were to provide seasonal and nightly markers
for agricultural, hunting, and ceremonial activities. Their creation, as part
of all Creation, was intended to unfold nizhonigo, or "in an orderly and
proper way," as discussed above. However, Coyote, "patron of disorder"
(Consultant G), intervened by disrupting both process and product.
Black God is generally considered to be the creator of the constellations; he
is also known as Fire God because he is responsible for all fire, including
the fire in the stars that is the source of their light. When diyin dine'e'
entered the hogan of Creation, "the sky and earth lay on the floor of the
hogan with heads pointing eastward, the sky on the south, the earth on the north
side. Both had received the 'breath of life' with various winds, though they
were not 'dressed' yet" (Haile 1947c:1).
In Haile's (1947c:1-4) version taken from Upward Reachingway, Black God entered
the hogan with Dilye'he' (the Pleiades) lodged at his ankle. When he stamped
his foot vigorously, the constellation jumped to his knee. Another stamp of
his foot brought it to his hip. He stamped again, bringing the constellation
to his right shoulder. The fourth and final time he stamped his foot, the Pleiades
lodged along his left temple where, he said, "it shall stay!" Thus,
Dilye'he' is located on Black God's mask (see figure 4.9). In Haile's work,
this constellation appears on Black God's left cheek (Haile 1947a) and on Black
God's temple (Haile 1947c:3). In my experience, the Pleiades is usually not
visible on Black God's mask, either in Nightway sandpaintings of Black God that
I have watched being made or on the mask worn by the Black God Impersonator.12
Chanter D explained that this is because Black God's face represents the entirety
of the heavens, and the Pleiades is very small in proportion to the entire sky.
Black God's feat of placing Dilye'he' where he wanted it confirmed to the supernaturals
in the creator group that he had the power to beautify the "dark upper,"
as they called the sky, by producing and placing constellations. Moving in the
sunwise circuit, Black God first positioned Corvus in the east. In the south,
he placed Horned Rattler (Haile does not list Western equivalents for all the
constellations he mentions), Bear, Thunder, and 'A'tse'etsoh (the front part
of Scorpius). In the north he placed the Big Dipper, Cassiopeia, Orion, the
Pinching or Doubtful Stars (Aldebaran, lower branch of the Hyades), Gah heet'e'ii
(which Haile identifies as a star cluster under Canis Major, but which today
is generally identified as the tail of Scorpius); and finally the Pleiades.
Because none of these constellations could shine without an igniter star to
furnish their light, he added biko', an igniter. Finally, he sprinkled the heavens
with the Milky Way.
Black God, weary from the process of creation, was resting when Coyote snatched
Black God's fawnskin pouch, which contained the remaining unnamed and unplaced
star crystals. Coyote then flung these stats into the night sky where they were
scattered at random instead of forming the orderly patterns of constellations
for which they had been intended. According to Haile's (1947c:4) consultant,
"That explains why only the stars put there by Fire god [Black God] have
a name and those scattered at random by Coyote are nameless."
Suddenly, Coyote took one remaining crystal and deliberately placed it in the
south. This Coyote Star, Ma'ii bizo, was the source of confusion and disorder
just as Coyote intended it to be. Accounts disagree on the identity of this
"Monthless Star," so called because it is in the heavens for less
than a full month, as well as on whether it is one star (Haile 1947c:8, 1981a:129;
Klah 1942:58; O'Bryan 1956:21; Consultant G) or three (Matthews 1883:214).
While some accounts agree that Black God was in charge of the creation of the
stars (Haile 1947a:29-30, 60-61, 1947c:1-2, 1981a:128-29), others say that First
Man and First Woman or other Holy People were responsible (Klah 1942:39,66;
Matthews 1883:213-14, 1897:223-24; O'Bryan 1956:20-21;Yazzie 1971:21; Newcomb
1967:78-88; Chanter A).
Although accounts differ concerning the identity of the supernaturals responsible
for the creation of the stars, all versions do share the underlying theme of
the universe as an orderly system. The order inherent in the cosmos was meant
to serve as a pattern for proper behavior in both general and specific ways.
"laws," or rules for proper conduct, were symbolized in such constellations
as Gah heet'e'ii (the tail of Scorpius), whose seasonal movements determined
the periods when hunting would be allowed (Newcomb 1980:197). Similarly, the
two Na'hookos, the Male and Female Ones Who Revolve (the Big Dipper and Cassiopeia),
represented a married couple that encircled Polaris, the fire in the center
of their hogan; these two constellations, along with Polaris, represented laws
against two couples living in the same hogan or doing their cooking over the
same fire, as well as the mother-in-law avoidance law to be followed by her
son-in-law. Pgs. 78-88
The first man and the first woman made the sun and hung it in the heavens with
a spider web. Then they made the stars and hung them in the heavens; then they
made the rainbows and put them in the corners of the heavers. Then they said
to each other, "If we do not build a prop for the heavens they will fall
down; what shall we build it of?" So they thought and thought, and then
the man said. "We will make four men of mirage stone and put them at the
corners of the heavens on the rainbows, and they can hold the heavens up."
So they made them, and they hold the heavens up, and they never die. Then after
they had made the sun, moon, and stars, and all the things in the heavens and
the earth, with the aid of their son in the heavens, the man went to the house
of the sun in the east and the woman went to the house of the sun's wife in
the west. We cannot see them now but we can see their shadows and their fires
at night. The great bear is the shadow of the man, and Cassiopeia is the shadow
of the woman, and the north star is their fire. Scorpio is the shadow of the
chief of the good natured people, who died of old age; the walking stick is
his walking stick; the basket is what he eats form; the rabbit tracks are what
he eats. Corvus is the blue bottle fly that carried the news over the heavens;
the Pleiades are their ants, the yellow ants, the black ants, the little black
ants, the cicada, the badger, and the blue coyote, that came from beneath the
earth; after they died they went up there to live. The blush of dawn (the Milky
Way) is some bread that the first girl was making when the first boy stole it
and ran with it to the east, so it is there now. The war gods of the stars are
four guards that the first man and the first woman made to guard them while
they slept while they were on the earth, and when they stretched the earth they
set them up at the four corners to guard the earth. Their names are the big
black star, the big blue star, the big yellow star, and the big white star.
Pgs. 133,134
In the Big Starway, stars are the etiological factors; that is, stars cause
the patient to suffer form a host of symptoms, such as the mental distress,
insomnia, and bad dreams that characterize "ghost sickness" or bewitchment.
This is the only Chantway in which stars are the direct cause of illness; thus,
stars are most dangerous in this context. Although the sandpaintings of several
chants contain stars, the Big Starway and the Hand Tremblingway are the only
Chantways whose sandpaintings feature stars. The sandpaintings of the Big Starway
depict particular stars, such as the Big Blue Star, which is described as "a
. . . star which wanders about and shoots people with magic arrows to cause
fevers and mental aberration." Pg. 151
At the beginning of my research, I asked chanters about Reichard's (1950:470)
characterization of stars as "feared." When I asked if this was true
of all stars, every chanter and consultant answered with a resounding no. The
"feared" nature of the Blue Star comes from its association with witchcraft.
Pg. 152
References to Nahookos Bika'ii and Nahookos Ba'aadii or Big Dipper and Cassiopeia.
Relationships in myths of the Navajos and interpretations. Pgs. 153-156
References to Dilyehe (no translation) refer to Pages 156-163. Symbolism of
constellation.
The name Yikaisdahi (the Milky Way) means "Awaits-the-Dawn," a reference
to the manner in which this Navajo constellation is said to appear to glow more
brightly just before the break of day. Dawn is one of the four cardinal light
phenomena, a vital life-giving source. Consultant P explained that there is
a also a cane in the sky for Yikaisdahi and its associated star (planet), So'tsoh
(Venus), because they are associated with the dawn. "Yikaisdahi tells you
that the new day, the dawn, is coming, and the cane belongs to an old man who
leans on the cane while he waits for the sun to come up so that he can say prayers
and make a pollen blessing." Chanter A recounted a story about this constellation.
Coyote stole a piece of ash bread (made of corn and baked in an outdoor oven
or in the ashes) from First Man and First Woman. The ashes were then strewn
across the sky to form the Milky Way. Pg. 169
The creation
of the stars is attributed to Hashchezhini, the Fire God, who also distributed
the various constellations, giving each its peculiar name. As in other instances,
so also on this occasion the Coyote contrived to participate in the work of
creation by robbing the Fire God of his pouch in which he carried the material
for the stars. And after he had placed his own star conspicuously in the southern
skies he scattered the remnants of the pouch over the entire heavens, which
accounts for a multitude of stars bearing no special name. In consequence, too,
the entire creation of the stars is attributed by some to the Coyote. Though
there are comparatively few constellations the names of which are generally
known, it is none the less well established that astrology is extensively practiced
among the Navaho. The fact that the class of singers pursuing dest'i, "looking,"
or astrology, are much in demand previous to the conducting of any important
ceremony, would seem to indicate as much. Hence it is reasonable to assume that
a much wider knowledge of the various constellations exists than is here indicated.
This knowledge, however, is in possession of some few individuals who are loath
to disclose it, owing to the circumstances that astrological pursuits, which
require the secret and solitude of night, are opprobriously classified with
witchcraft.
The older shamans were wont to initiate their pupils gradually into the intricacies
of astronomy by pointing out the new constellations to them as they appeared
on the horizon. And as an apprenticeship usually required several years, sufficient
time was had to make the initiation a thorough one. This extended also to stellar
influence on climatic changes, or the destinies of man, with the corresponding
remedies, and the like information. Certain portions, however, of this knowledge
were enveloped in some mystery, which was lifted only after the most rigid test
of fidelity. Thus, for instance, words like sa'a naghai, "in old age walking,"
and bik'e hozho, "on the trail of beauty," are said to signify some
important, though well known constellation, a change in which would prove disastrous
to the existence of the universe. Hence this invocation, which is attached to
a large number of prayers and songs, would seem to be a petition for the preservation
and prolongation of age and life, while "the trail of beauty" (in
the skies) indicates the proper key to their interpretation. What may be considered
an instance of stellar influence upon climatic changes is told of i'ni, thunder,
a constellation appearing in the southern skies, and a companion of the constellation
shash, the bear. When i'ni beets'os, the feather or tip of thunder approaches
and touches the snout (bichi') of the bear, it is a reliable indication of the
return of thunder in spring, with the renewal of life in vegetation and the
animal kingdom. As a rule each larger constellation is equipped with satellites,
large stars, which form an integral part of a given group. Thus, atseets'osi
beets'os, the feather or tip of Orion; shash beets'os, the feather of the bear.
They are also provided with bokho, fire or flint of the star, which ignites
it, and in other instances with bizhi, body, bichi, nose, bija, ears, or bitse',
tail, to distinguish and trace the figure. . . . . . . atseets'osi, tailfeather,
or the slender first one; the belt and sword of Orion. ets'osi, the feather,
was the name given by Hashchezhini, the Fire God, which Coyote changed to atseets'osi
(atsedi ets'osi, of the First feather), with reference to himself; hence, the
Coyote's feather. Pgs. 42, 44
When First Woman placed the stars in the night sky, she used them to spell out all the laws that would be needed by the first people. These could not be written in the sand or on the water, since few people could not see them there, but when they were written in the sky, everyone could look up and study them. In Navajo star lore there are constellations named for all the animals mentioned in their mythology. There is the bear, the wolf, the porcupine, the badger, the chipmunk, the elk, the mountain sheep, the Gila monster, the lizard, the horned toad, the bumblebee, and may others. The five stars that form the "rabbit tracks" are called the "hunter's guide." When this constellation is in one position, the hunters lay aside their bows and arrows and remain at home. But when it tips to the east, the young of the deer and the antelope are no longer dependent on their mothers, and the hunting season begins. The coyote star in the south is the same as our "dog star," and the polar star is called the campfire of the heavens." Pgs. 196-197
Stars (so') (U) are feared by the Navaho. Big Stars figure in the Big Star and Hand Trembling chants, both Evil. Perhaps, being closely associated with First Man and Coyote, stars were never brought under dependable control. When First Man was planning the sky, he intended to arrange the stars deliberately and carefully. He had placed a few constellations nicely when Coyote passed by, pulled out some hairs, and blew them up to the sky, where they became red stars. Coyote then gathered up the rest of the stars and, by blowing, sent them up to the sky, where they now shine in the indeterminate clusters of the Milky Way (Darkness; Reichard, Big Star Chant ms.; Goddard, pp. 137-8; cp. Tozzer 1908, pp. 28-32; Haile 1938b, pp. 67-8).
The dimensions of a basket often exceed twelve to fourteen inches in diameter, and are usually a fraction more than three inches in depth. As a material, the twigs of sumac (ki, or chilchin) are used. A triple incision is made into the butt end of the twig, one part of which is held between the teeth while the other two are torn off with the fingers. Each part is then scraped clean of its bark with a knife of piece of tin, and the twigs to be dyed are laid aside in a heap, while the natural color of the twig furnishes the lighter shades of the designs. The dyes used are identical with those used for coloring wool, though, obviously, the mordant of boiled sumac leaves (ki) becomes superfluous. Cedar ashes supposedly add luster to the color and contribute to its adhesive quality. Black was obtained from surface coal (lejin), added to boiling sumac leaves (ki), or from a sulfurous rock (tsekho), slightly roasted (ilt'es) with pine gum or rosin (je'). When ready this was added to the boiling twigs giving them a lustrous black color similar to charcoal (t'esh nahalin). The root of juniper (gad behetl'ol) and mountain mahogany (tseesdasi behetlol) are boiled together, after which the ground bark of alder (kish yikago) is added to obtain a pale red, into which the twigs are immersed. At times the joint fir (tlo' azehi, Ephedra trifurcata) is substituted for alder bark, while cedar ashes add luster to the color.
Blue was frequently obtained with indigo, though a native blue is also prepared from a bluish clay or ocher called adishtl'ish, which is pulverized and mixed with water. Various shades of yellow are obtained with plants like Bigelovia (kiltsoi), the sneeze weed (naeeshja ilkhei, Helenium hoopesii), or the sorrel (jat'ini), the flowers of which are crumpled and boiled, with cedar ashes thrown in.
The dyeing done, the twigs, both colored and uncolored, are placed in water to render them moist and pliable. The butt ends of the first twigs are wound around a small stick known as the bottom of the basket, and secured there with yucca. An awl, made of deer-bone (bi' bikhetsin), is now used in sewing the basket for which an iron awl is found impractible. The sewing is always done sunrise, or from left to right, giving the basket the shape of a helical coil when finished. Much deftness and constant application are required to obtain a close weave which will hold water after a few minutes moistening, while baskets of inferior quality require moistening much longer. The designs are, of course, woven with the colored twigs. Yellow and blue, however, are now rarely used, and the usual pattern is a band three to six inches wide, woven with zigzag edges in black with a line of red running through the center, and set, as it were, on a light background made of the natural color of the twig. Or, this band is sometimes displaced by a set of four or more square figures woven at intervals, with a colored circle entwining the lower part of each square. The colors in this and the first pattern might be increased to two or more according to taste. Both patterns are designated as tsa', basket, without reference to their designs. Of the two extinct patterns, the tsa' netse', or coiled basket, presented a design of vari-colored coils following each other, while the tsa' hokhani, or basket of enclosures, presented a set of four triangles whose apices rested on the center or bottom of the basket. From the base of each of these triangles three squares, increasing in width, extended to the rim of the basket, giving the whole design a shape similar to the Maltese Cross. While no special rules were laid down with regard to the blending of colors, or the number of figures and circles in a design, it was essential that every design be broken or intersected by a line of uncolored twigs. In baskets with circular designs this was comparatively easy, but in the tsa' hokhani, or basket of enclosures, it was found necessary to intersect one set of squares in order to make this line quite apparent. It was therefore called qaatqin (qatqin), the way out, or chohot'i, the line leading out, and was prescribed lest the sewer, in bending all her energies and applications upon her work, enclose herself and thus lose her sight and mind. A parallel is found in overdoing weaving, singing, in amassing fortune, or in the opening left in the figure of the queue and bow. This intersection always runs in a radial line with the close of the seam on the imbricated rim of each basket, which in turn serves as a guide in the directional assignment, as the close always faces eastward. Hence the singer always looks or feels for the closed rim, designated as bida' astl'o, where the rim is woven (instead of sewed). The details involved in mending this rim, as well as the taboo placed upon the wearing of a basket as a headgear, the legends of the origin of the basket, and relative subjects, are beyond the scope of the present work. Suffice to say, that the basket is made exclusively for ceremonial use, and is an integral part of every rite, as none is holy (diyin) without it.
The strength and elasticity of the Navaho basket renders it serviceable as a drum, in other words, it is turned down and beaten with the drumstick. Should it be turned up again before the close of the ceremony, it indicates that the singer has suspended the continuation of the ceremony. The basket is also used as a receptacle for the rattles, prayersticks, stones, herbs, medicines, and like ceremonial paraphernalia. The ceremonial bath is administered in the basket. The mask of the Fringed Mouth (zahodolzhai) is supported on a basket from which the bottom has been cut out. At the marriage ceremony a new basket is required in which to serve the porridge. As it is frequently impossible for the couple to consume its contents, the basket is passed around to the visiting guests. Whosoever consumes the final portion of the porridge also takes possession of the basket, wherefore baskets thus obtained are designated as tsa' na'obani, or the basket which was won. It is otherwise referred to as danakhan bi'odani, the basket from which they eat the porridge. The so-called wedding basket is therefore unknown. In the early days baskets were woven of yucca braid. The pith of the yucca leaf was extracted and dyed in the same manner as sumac twigs today. It was also permissible to use the designs of the basket in the decoration of the uppers for moccasins made of yucca. The remnants of twigs used for baskets are employed in constructing the so called owls (naeshja). Pgs. 291-296
Even such everyday tasks as weaving must be done only in moderation. Many women will not weave more than about two hours at a stretch; in the old days unmarried girls were not allowed to weave for fear they would overdo, and there is a folk rite for curing the results of excess in this activity. Closely related is the fear of completely finishing anything: as a "spirit outlet," the basket maker leaves an opening in the design. Pgs. 225-226
According to Washington Matthews the Navahoes have many legends with which baskets are connected. Here is a description of the first baby baskets ever made. Surely none but a poetic and imaginative people could ever have conceived so wonderful a basket. Their gods of war were born of two women, one fathered by the sun, the other by a waterfall, and when they were born they were placed in baby baskets both alike as follows: The foot-rests and the back battens were made of sunbeam, the hoods of rainbow, the side-strings of sheet lightning, and the lacing strings of zigzag lightning. One child they covered with the black cloud, and the other with the female rain.
Another form of this story says that the boy born first was wrapped in black cloud. A rainbow was used for the hood of his basket and studded with stars. The back of the frame was perihelion, with the bright spot at its bottom shining at the lowest point. Zigzag lightning was laid in each side and straight lightning down the middle in front. Niltsatlol (sunbeams shining on a distant rainstorm) formed the fringe in front where Indians now put strips of buckskin. The carry-straps were sunbeams. Pg. 23
In many Indian ceremonies baskets play a most important part. For nine days these ceremonies last, the first day being devoted to the building and dedication of a medicine hogan and a sweat house. Around this sweat house wands of turkey feathers were placed, which were brought hither in one of these sacred baskets; and when the sweating process was over the wands were collected, placed in the basket and removed to the medicine hogan. On the fourth day two of these baskets figured prominently in the ceremonies. A medicine basket containing amole root and water was placed in front of a circle made of sand and covered with pine boughs. A second basket contained water and a quantity of pine needles sufficiently thick to form a dry surface, and on the top of these needles a number of valuable necklaces of coral, turquoise and silver were placed. A square was formed on the edge of the basket with four of the turkey wands before mentioned. The song priest with rattle led several priests in singing. The invalid sat to the northeast of the circle, a breech cloth his only apparel. During the chanting an attendant made suds by macerating the amole and beating it up and down in the water. The basket remained in position; the man stooped over it, facing north; his position allowed the sunbeams which came through the fire opening to fall upon the suds. When the basket was a mass of white froth the attendant washed the suds from his hands by pouring water from a Paiuti basket water-bottle (Fig. 20) over them, after which the song priest came forward and with corn pollen drew a cross over the suds, which stood firm like the beaten whites of eggs, the arms of the cross pointing to the cardinal points. A circle of the pollen was then made around the edge of the suds." This crossing and circling of the basket of suds with the pollen is supposed to give them additional power in restoring the invalid to health. The invalid now knelt upon the pinion boughs in the center of the same circle. "A handful of the suds was placed on his bead. The basket was now placed near to him, and he bathed his head thoroughly ; the maker of the suds afterwards assisted him in bathing the entire body with the suds, and pieces of yucca were rubbed upon the body. The chant continued through the ceremony and closed just as the remainder of the suds was emptied by the attendant over the invalid's head. The song priest collected the four wands from the second basket, and an attendant gathered the necklaces; a second attendant placed the basket before the invalid, who was now sitting in the center of the circle, and the first attendant assisted him in bathing the entire body with this mixture; the body was quite covered with the pine needles, which had become very soft from soaking. The invalid then returned to his former position at the left of the song priest, and the pine needles of the yucca,or amole, together with the sands, were carried out and deposited at the foot of a pinion tree. The body of the invalid was dried by rubbing with meal." This taking out of the sands, pine needles, etc., used in the ceremony was supposed to take away so much of the disease that had been washed from the invalid.
Later in the day at another most elaborate ceremony baskets filled with food are placed in a circle around a fire in the medicine lodge. One of the priests takes a pinch of food from each basket, and places it in another basket. This is then prayed over, smoked over and thus made a powerful medicine by the song-priest. After the priest has gone through several performances with it, the invalid dips his three first fingers into the mixture, puts them in his mouth, and loudly sucks in the air. This is repeated four times. Then all the attendants do likewise, with a prayer for rain, good crops, health and riches. This food is afterwards dried by the chief medicine man, made into a powder, and is one of his most potent medicines. On the sixth day a great sand painting is made in the medicine lodge, and the invalid, as he enters, is required to take the sacred medicine basket, which is now filled with sacred meal, and sprinkle the painting with it. The chief figures of the painting were the goddesses of the rainbow, whose favor it was desired he should gain. Again and again in the ceremonies these sacred baskets are used, and on the ninth day in the concluding dance the invalid takes it full of sacred meal and sprinkles all the dancers. The full description of this wonderful series of ceremonies is found in the Eighth Annual Report of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology.
If the margin is worn through or torn, the basket is unfit for sacred use. The basket is one of the perquisites of the shaman when the rites are done; but he, in turn, must give it away, and must he careful never to eat out of it. Notwithstanding its sacred uses, food may be served in it by any other person than the shaman who has used it ceremonially. Fig. 29 shows the other form of Navaho sacred basket. It is also made of aromatic sumac, and is used in the rites to hold sacred meal. The crosses are said to represent clouds, heavy with rain, and would indicate that this basketry design may have had its origin in its use during ceremonies intended to bring the rain. Another important ceremony of the Navahoes in which this basket figures is that of marriage. Another interesting thing about this Navaho wedding basket it is well to notice, and that is that the finishing off of the last coil of the basketry always comes directly opposite to the Shipapu opening. This is for the purpose of enabling those who use the basket at night to determine where the Shipapu opening is, so that they may hold the basket in the proper ceremonial way, which requires that the Shipapu opening shall always be turned towards the East. This finishing off place on the rim of the basket is called by the Navahoes the a-tha-at-lo. According to Matthews, the sacred basket used in all these ceremonials has another important function to perform. It is used as a drum. He says: "In none of the ancient Navaho rites is a regular drum or tomtom employed. The inverted basket serves the purpose of one, and the way in which it is used for this simple object is rendered devious and difficult by ceremonious observances." Then over a page of description is required to tell how the shamans proceed when they "turn down the basket" to make a drum of it at the beginning of the songs, and "turn up the basket" at the close. Everything is done with elaborate ceremony. "There are songs for turning up and turning down the basket, and there are certain words in these songs at which the shaman prepares to turn up the basket by putting his hand under its eastern rim, and other words at which he does the turning. For four nights, when the basket is turned down, the eastern part is laid on the outstretched blanket first, and it is inverted toward the west. On the fifth night it is inverted in the opposite direction. When it is turned up, it is always lifted first at the eastern edge. As it is raised an imaginary something is blown toward the east, in the direction of the smoke-hole of the lodge, and when it is completely turned up hands are waved in the same direction, to drive out the evil influences which the sacred songs have collected and imprisoned under the basket."
Even in the making of this sacred basket many ceremonial requirements must be heeded. In forming the helical coil, the fabricator must always put the butt end of the twig toward the center of the basket and the tip end toward the periphery, in accordance with the ceremonial laws governing the disposition of butts and tips. Pgs. 33-37
By 1973 there were over 100 basket weavers on and off the reservation, and 125 potters in Chinle Agency alone. At least in part, commercialization stimulated the revival of these crafts. . . . . In the Oljeto area, basketweavers began producing baskets with yei figures woven into their designs. While such baskets could not be used in religious ceremonies, they found a ready market with non-Indians. Pg. 252
The Navajo wedding basket also reflects many values of traditional life and so often contains all six sacred mountains, including Huerfano and Gobernador Knob, though the size of the basket may determine the number of mountains in the design. The center spot in the basket represents the beginning of this world, where the Navajo people emerged from a reed. This is where the spirit of the basket lives. The white part around the center is the earth, the black symbolizing the sacred mountains upon which are found water bowls. Above them are clouds of different colors. The white and black ones represent the making of rain. A red section next to the mountains stands for the sun's rays that make things grow. Pg. 19
The basket for the emetic in the first War Ceremony was of crystal.
An indispensable requirement of a chant is the basket; at least one is believed
to represent whiteshell. All the precious stones are mythical basket materials.
Frequently the basket is of one stone with a contrasting rim - whiteshell rimmed
with turquoise or the reverse; abalone rimmed with redstone or the reverse,
jet with an abalone rim or the reverse.
__
The fibers of baskets used to be of yucca. Baskets are not used much secularly but have a prescribed place in ceremonies.
They are often called "wedding" baskets because one holds the ceremonial
mush which the bride and groom eat alternatingly. The function of the basket
in curing ceremonies is perhaps greater, but not as well known. When preparations
for a ceremony are made, one of the questions asked is, "How many baskets
must be provided?" They become consequently an important item of trade.
Their manufacture is surrounded with such a number of taboos difficult to keep
that Navajo rarely make them, preferring to trade them from their neighbors,
the Ute and Paiute, who have not the prescribed taboos.
Another form of purification is the yucca bath. The "one-sung-over"
bathes from head to foot in the yucca suds which fill a ceremonial basket. He
is careful to stand within the limits of a platform made of sand from the cornfield
which has been carefully spread. On it special places are designated for the
basket and for the patient's knees and hands, for he kneels to get his hair
in the basket. The water which drains off of him must fall on the sand. When
all is over, this may be gathered up like a blotter and the evils may be carried
out and dissipated.
An indispensable requirement of a chant is the basket; at least one is believed to represent whiteshell. All the precious stones are mythical basket materials. Frequently the basket is of one stone with a contrasting rim - whiteshell rimmed with turquoise or the reverse; abalone rimmed with redstone or the reverse, jet with an abalone rim or the reverse.
The basket for the emetic in the first War Ceremony was of crystal.
Basket (tsa') has already been extensively treated. There are, however, certain points that have not been stressed; one concerns the number of baskets necessary to a ceremony-the discussions often imply that there is only one (Ch. 14). A part of the agreement between chanter and sponsor is the provision of the baskets, as important as the payment to the singer. When the chant is over, some baskets are presented to the chanter or some other participant in the ceremony; borrowed baskets are returned to the owner, who may be the chanter or almost anyone who can provide them. Certain taboos, some very strict, attach to the basket. Nowadays it has become an article of trade, procurable at a trading post. Baskets so bought may be considered neutral, having no restrictions and no evil attached to them; the ceremony gives them blessing value.
Because of the 'drawing power' of the earth, sacred objects should not touch the ground; consequently, ceremonial properties-War Ceremony rattlestick, prayersticks, hoops, bundle equipment-must be placed on or in something; it is often a basket, especially for assembled bundle equipment.
I had to provide five baskets for the Shooting Chant Prayerstick branch. I paid for four and borrowed one from RP, the chanter. One was used for the layout of branch symbol prayersticks during their preparation and for the subsequent bundle equipment layout, one for the emetic, one for the drum, one for the bath, and one for the ceremonial mush. After the bath the chanter put his bundle layout in the basket that had been used for the bath. Every ceremony undoubtedly has similar requirements; some have more, some fewer.
The basket represents jewels and therefore the potentiality of wealth, with its provision for proper offerings. Baskets are often thought of as consisting of one of the precious stones, rimmed with a contrasting jewel (Ch. 12); such baskets are prescribed for the Hail Chant. In addition, one of Heat and one of Mirage (aragonite) are required. The War Ceremony emetic was prepared and the unseasoned mush was served in a rock-crystal basket. Since the mush was inexhaustible, there is a relation between the rock-crystal basket and the yellow bowl.
The Flint Chant baskets represent jewels; the plants put into them ceremonially became meat which, with other plants eaten by rare game, became gruel (Kluckhohn-Wyman, pp. 44, 60; Matthews 1894b, pp. 202-8; 1897, p. 211, 5n; Haile 1938b, pp. 33, 105, 207, 243; 1943a, pp.15, 184, 190; Goddard, pp. 142, 164; Reichard 1944d, p.49; Shooting Chant ms.; Tschopik, pp. 257-62).
Basket drum was described by Matthews and Kluckhohn-Wyman (Matthews 1894b; 1902, pp.59-63, 163, 165; Kluckhohn-Wyman, p.44; Haile 1938b, pp.33, 243).
