Navajo Mosaic Pictorial Basket - Peggy Black (#284)

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26 1/4"
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Peggy Black

Born for the Many Goats Clan and to her maternal Arrow People Clan, Peggy Rock Black learned to weave from her mother, grandmother, and sister. As well as the weaving technique, Peggy knows the natural plant dyes and occasionally uses them when coloring the sumac strips she uses in her baskets. Now she is passing the difficult but rewarding lessons of the art along to her three daughters.

With great support from her family, Peggy is a prolific weaver. Her husband, Eddie, assists in gathering the sumac and preparing it for weaving. Eddie helps her in other ways, too. He is a herbalist and is studying with his uncle and grandfather, both medicine men, so that he may too be a medicine man. This is important to Peggy, who believes in the healing power of the sumac.

The sumac bush, which grows about 3 feet tall, is sometimes called the lemonade tree because of the tart drink that can be made from its unripe summer berries. The bark, leaves, and berries of the sumac have all been used by Native American people for medicinal purposes.

Peggy respects the traditions of her Navajo heritage. She weaves contemporary baskets but leans toward traditional Navajo designs of balance.

l'm really careful with what I weave," she says. She keeps to the positive stories of her people and uses the power of healing ceremonies to protect her from life's evils. Though she lives in a house, she often weaves her baskets in a traditional hogan close by.

Peggy has won many awards at shows at The Museum of Northern Arizona in Flagstaff, and at the Gallup Ceremonials in New Mexico, but she does not think of herself as a competitive person. "I only want to try different designs," she explains. And then, in a sentence that sums up Peggy's personality as well as the reason her baskets are so dynamic, she adds, "I want to experience the designs."

Looking at her baskets it is clear that each have her positive, healing influence. They are baskets that the observer can experience also.

Eagle

Of all birds in Native American mythology, the eagle is the most important as symbol, sacrificial / ceremonial presence, and ultimate predator/ warrior. The solitary mystery and power of the eagle as perceived by the Indian was immediately grasped by the emerging nation of the United States, and "borrowed" for its logo. Pg. 192

The Gift of the Gila Monster, Navajo Ceremonial Tales; 1993; Gerald Hausman.

Don't bother baby hawks or eagles. You'll get a rash or sores on your body. Pg. 82


Navajo Taboos; 1991, Ernie Bulow.

Eagles ('atsa) (P, H), expert and powerful fliers, are believed to derive from Cliff Monster.
Scavenger of the Bead Chant placed in an eagle's nest by hostile pueblo people, refused to deliver the eaglets to them. He lived with the Eagles for some time, learning about their home and their customs. When the old Eagles came home at night, they took off their downy garments, which opened down the front, revealing human forms in white suits which were never removed.
Eagle feathers were of great value to the Navaho in their ceremonies, but the Eagles of this story shook skin diseases, sores, irritations, and itching on their enemies.
The bald eagle is held to be the 'first' or ' chief.' In the story of the Eagle Chant, Monster Slayer, learning the details of eagle catching, did not make the chant symbol until he was able, by repeating his experiments, to catch a bald eagle.
Hill's account of eagle catching should be compared with the stories of the Eagle and Bead chants; each record has much to contribute to the others (Reichard, Shooting Chant ms.; 1939, pp. 26-36; Haile 1938b, p.121; Matthews 1897, pp. 195-208; Newcomb 1940b, pp.50-97).

Navajo Religion, Vol II; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950

Butterfly

Butterfly: Due to the natural beauty of its wings, Butterfly is often considered vain. Yet, in Navajo mythology, Butterfly brings the sacred flint to the hooves of the horse. In the legend of the diety, Butterfly Boy was cured of his vanity by being lightning struck with the axe of Rain Boy. After that, his head opened up and out of it came the butterflies of the world. The perishable dust of Butterfly's wings is sometimes thought to prove that such beauty is usually not durable. Pg. 191

Caterpillar: In Navajo belief, Caterpillar is sacred because of his ability to transform into Butterfly, the gatherer of the sacred flint. However, while Butterfly may not always be trusted because of his vanity, Caterpillar is a simple, many-footed walker through life. Like Worm, he may give advice to his "betters." Pg. 191


The Gift of the Gila Monster, Navajo Ceremonial Tales; 1993, Gerald Hausman.

Rain Boy and Butterfly Boy: There is a great arch of colored stone in Navajo Country, and it is called Rainbow Bridge. In order to reach it you must ride horseback for days through desert and bare rock land and through great red rock canyons. Not many people go there. In ancient times it was the home of Rain Boy, a powerful god, whose weapon was lightning and who traveled as fast as the wind on his rainbow.
One day long ago he had to go on a journey. He left his wife and daughter at home at Rainbow Bridge and told them that no matter what happened they were not to go out into the sunlight.
"We will obey you, Rain Boy," said the two women, and when he had gone they sat by the open door and took up their weaving. They were both fine weavers. When they needed a new design they would look out of the door until they saw something beautiful. One day, it was the design of a leaf; another day, a bird feather suited their needs. But today they could not see anything that pleased them.
As it happened, White Butterfly Boy had flown into their part of the country from his home in Chaco Canyon, where the ruins of the dead people lie. Butterfly Boy looked just like a Navajo except that he had wings. He possessed one other great power. He could change himself at will into a white butterfly. Today when he came to Rainbow Bridge he saw the beautiful wife and daughter of Rain Boy looking out of the door of their hogan.
"They are beautiful. I should like to talk to them," he said to himself, but he had heard that Rain Boy wouldn't let them talk to strangers and forbade them to leave the hogan when he was away. So Butterfly Boy planned a trick; he changed himself into a white butterfly and flew down onto the door sill.
"Oh, what a beautiful creature," cried the mother. "What a splendid design he will make for our weaving."
"Let us catch him," said the daughter.
But when they reached out with their hands, White Butterfly Boy spread his wings and flew to a milkweed blossom some distance from the hogan. The women forgot their promise to Rain Boy and ran out of the house into the sunlight where they chased the sparkling white butterfly; each time they got near enough to catch him, away he flew, farther from the hogan. Four times he flew, and the fourth time he lit on a tassel of corn silk in Rain Boy's garden. Great yellow pumpkins coiled their arms between the corn stalks, and when the women ran into the garden the pumpkins caught them, so they could not take another step. Then Butterfly Boy turned himself into a man with wings.
"There," he said. "I have you. Now you will come live with me in Chaco Canyon."
He took them far off over the desert and canyon until they came to the land of deserted hogans. Here, long ago, people had lived, but now nothing but the dead remained, and they were buried deep under the blown sands.
Now, Rain Boy returned from his journey, and finding the hogan empty, he searched outside for tracks. In the sands by the hogan he saw footprints of his wife and daughter, which led into the garden and among the pumpkin vines where they disappeared. It was here that White Butterfly Boy had turned into a man with wings, and with Rain Boy's wife on one arm and the daughter on the other, he had flown back to his home in Chaco Canyon. After looking carefully among the corn stalks, Rain Boy sent out a streak of lightning to point the direction they had taken. The lightning struck near Chaco Canyon. Rain Boy mounted his rainbow and rode over the sky to the home of White Butterfly Boy. There he found his wife and daughter, who were prisoners in the hogans of the ancient people. Rain Boy was very angry with them for disobeying him, but he was even more
angry with White Butterfly Boy for his treachery.
When White Butterfly Boy came flying home at night, Rain Boy said, "I challenge you to a race. If you win, you may keep my wife and daughter. If you lose, you die."
"I agree," said White Butterfly Boy.
"We shall race to Mount Taylor," said Rain Boy. "Get ready. When I send out my lightning we shall start."
Now Butterfly Boy had nothing in the world to race upon but his own wings, so he spread them out proudly and waited with his only weapon which was a magic axe
that could kill whoever held it, at a puff of breath.
Rain Boy took off on his bolt of lightning and was gone instantly. Butterfly Boy beat his wings as fast as he could, but it was going to take him a long time to reach Mount Taylor. On the way, he saw Humming Bird poised in the air before a flower.
There is nothing in the world that Butterfly Boy liked more than to have fun. About his throat hung a tiny silver bell. He wanted to hear how the bell would sound on the throat of Humming Bird as he darted from blossom to blossom, so he took the bell from his own throat and threw it into the air. It dropped with a tinkle onto Humming Bird's neck; this is the noise you hear today when Humming Bird rushes in upon a flower.
Soon after his delay with Humming Bird, Butterfly Boy reached Mount Taylor. There sat Rain Boy on the end of a streak of lightning.
"I win," cried Rain Boy. "Now we will race back again."
"All right," said Butterfly Boy tiredly. By now he was already exhausted, but he was cheerful and did not give up. Again he spread his beautiful wings.
"Ready?" shouted Rain Boy, and this time he rode up over the sky on a great rainbow. Butterfly Boy strained himself to fly, but it was a long time before he reached his home in Chaco Canyon. There sat Rain Boy on the end of the rainbow, and his wife and daughter were waiting beside him.
"I win again," Rain Boy said, and raising his head he proclaimed: "now you will die!"
"Wait," said Butterfly Boy. "Won't you please kill me with my own axe? It would make me happy to die by the blade I have carried on my journeys."
But Rain Boy knew that Butterfly Boy's axe was a magic axe. At a puff of breath from its master it would fly back and kill the man who held it.
"No," he said, "I will kill you with my own axe." And again he raised it above his head. But Butterfly Boy begged four times, and the fourth time Rain Boy stuck his own axe in his belt and took the magic axe in his hand. But he was not to be tricked. He had a scheme in mind.
"Now," said clever Rain Boy, "close your eyes."
As soon as Butterfly Boy had shut his lids Rain Boy changed axes, and grasping his own trusty weapon he hit Butterfly Boy a deadly blow on the head. The skull cracked, Butterfly Boy was killed at one stroke, and out of the crack in the skull came a net of butterflies, all bright-winged and lovely. Away they flew to scatter over the sky; and that is how the beautiful butterflies of this world came to be born. Pgs. 65-69

Sitting on the Blue-Eyed Bear, Navajo Myths and Legends; 1975, Gerald Hausman.

Butterfly (ka'logi') (U) and various moths are symbols of temptation and foolishness, so despicable that their behavior, acting like a 'moth,' has come to stand for insanity, the punishment for breaking taboos.
The hero of the Mountain Chant acquired the power of the meal sprinklers from the Butterfly People.
Butterfly was a decoy for two girls of the Excess Chant (cp. Ch. 1; Restriction, Con. B; Matthews 1887, p. 406; Kluckhohn 1944, p.104).

Navajo Religion, Vol II; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950

Dog

Sending of the dog to Acoma as a messenger of the ceremonies; in a coyote like trick he undertakes a test of eating thirty-two kinds of food and runs off with the presents given in reward for his success. Pg. 160, Visionary.

Navajo Chantway Myths, 1957; Kathrine Spencer.

The Holy Beings formed the dog, male and female. The male dog was dressed with the dawn and he was white. He traveled to the East. The female dog was reddish or brownish yellow and she was dressed with the twilight. On their ears sat the Little Breeze. Their ears were made from the winds, and at the tip of the tail also there is a breeze. So when a dog passes another dog he can tell from the mouth to the tip of the tail. Burned food was put on their noses and they were black. A medicine stick, ke et an'dotishe, was placed inside their stomachs, and they say that is why a dog never gets enough to fill him. As he has the wind at the ears and at the tip of the tail he never gets lost. He knows many things, for he was sent to guard the doorways of the people. The male dog was sent east of the Carrizos and the female dog to a place now known as Tohatchi. The white dog was a welcome animal. The people were good hunters and they fed him and petted him and he grew fat. But the female dog went to evil people who beat her and threw sticks at her and she grew poor and skinny. The dogs were told to meet at a place called Tse ha gaye. There are burning minerals under the ground there and one sees smoke. 12 They met there as instructed, but when they met the male jumped on the female and threw her on the ground. The male dog treated her badly. They fought as dogs do now. Then they crossed. The dog said: "People were good to me and fed me lots of meat." The bitch said: "People were cruel to me. They starved me all the time." So they changed places; the white dog went to the home of the yellow dog, and the female went to the home of the male. And after a time they met again at the same place. This time the white dog had gotten the worst of the treatment and was thin and poor, whereas the bitch was fat. So the two got even with each other. Then the two dogs started out for a place called Nat ege saka'te, where a lone currant bush grows on a plain south of Fruitland. A little ledge of rock and the lone currant bush are all that are there. When the dogs reached the ledge of rock they sat side by side with their backs toward the people who had been cruel to them. The one dog sent his bad wish with the gas from his stomach, and the other dog sent her bad wish from her backbone to the wicked people. The two them returned to the place where they were made. Later, the people who had been cruel to the dogs sickened. Their stomachs bloated, and they were very ill indeed. The being who was called Dontso, the All-Wise Fly, came and said: "The only person to make medicine here is Hasjelti himself; but don't tell anyone what I have said. Keep it a secret." Now up to this time they had used ceremonies over the sick, but they could not cure them. When Hasjelti made the medicine the people recovered. This is where the Dog Ceremony 13 begins. The chant is here.
12- Informant's note: This is a place near Newcomb's Trading Post.
13- Informant's note: The medicine used in the Dog Ceremony is for stomach ailments. They are: Informant's name: tse gan il chee; Franciscan Fathers (1910, p. 187), tsigha'jilchi, the dodder, Cuscuta unbellata. Informant's name: chil'dily ese; Franciscan Fathers (1910, p.186), chil dilyisi, dodgeweed, Gutierezzia euthamiae. Informant's name: da'e tinda; Franciscan Fathers (1912, p.77), da'hiqi'hi da', hummingbird food, Scarlet Gilia, Gilia aggregata. These plants are boiled together with native salts.


The Dine': Origin Myths of the Navajo Indians, 1956; Aileen O'Bryan.

The dog (lechai), Khintqelgi dobidinshdidahi hashcheltqi bili dzilkae nat'ani, that fine young chief of the wide house, the inseparable companion and pet of the Talking God. Pg. 175

An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language; 1910, The Franciscan Fathers.

Dog (le'tca'i, li'tca'i') (U) is an animal of bad luck that may spoil anything. The Navaho ascribe to Dog the faults possessed by its relatives, Coyote and Wolf, and despise him because 'he can't take care of himself.' The Mexican hairless seems to have been better thought of. When Rainboy's sister prepared for her ascension, she took with her a Mexican hairless dog.
A small watchdog, tied to a cliff opposite the canyon home of the gods, barked sharply at the Stricken Twins.
Persons to whom dogs are unfriendly cannot foretell events. Those who divined by listening put dog earwax, among other things, into their ears. A rite to drive off the evil power of dogs was a part of the Night and Mountain chants (Hill 1938, p. 75; 1935a, p. 66; Reichard 1944d, p. 155; Matthews 1902, pp. 103, 229; Newcomb 1938, p.47; Wyman-Kluckhohn, pp. 6, 27; Kluckhohn-Wyman, p. 188).

Navajo Religion, Vol II; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950

Horse

Johano-ai starts each day from his hogan, in the east, and rides across the skies to his hogan in the west, carrying the shining golden disk, the sun. He has five horses a horse of turquoise, a horse of white shell, a horse of pearl shell, a horse of red shell, and a horse of coal. When the skies are blue and the weather is fair, Johano-ai is riding his turquoise horse or his horse of white shell or of pearl; but when the heavens are dark with storm, he has mounted the red horse, or the horse of coal. Beneath the hoofs of the horses are spread precious hides of all kinds, and beautiful woven blankets, richly decorated, called "naskan." In olden times the Navajos used to wear such blankets, and men say they were first found in the home of the sun-god. Johano-ai pastures his herds on flower-blossoms and gives them to drink of the mingled waters. These are holy waters, waters of all kinds, spring-water, snow-water, hail-water and water from the four quarters of the world. The Navajos use such waters in their rites. When the horse of the sun-god goes, he raises, not dust but "pitistchi," glittering grains of mineral such as are used in religious ceremonies; and when he rolls, and shakes himself, it is shining pitistchi that flies from him. When he runs, the sacred pollen offered to the sun-god is all about him, like dust, so that he looks like a mist; for the Navajos sometimes say that the mist on the horizon is the pollen that has been offered to the gods. The Navajo sings of the horses of Johano-ai in order that he, too, may have beautiful horses like those of the sun-god.


References: The Indians Book, Pgs. 360,361; Recorded and edited by Natalie Curtis

Horses are kept for breeding, riding, and driving purposes. They are rarely fed, being turned out at large after use. Even when at work little or no feed is provided, as the Navaho is indifferent to the needs of his horse. Yet they thrive where others of their kind might starve, and in addition give remarkable tests of endurance. Pg. 145

Horse racing with light betting is frequently indulged in. On festive occasions betting is very heavy, losses being sustained with as much indifference as gains are accepted with joy and laughter. The Navajo is as cheerful a loser as he is a winner, and often stakes his most treasured possessions on a single issue. A fleet horse is better cared for than the usual run of horses, and is often practiced and trained long before the race. Pg. 154

An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navajo Language, 1929; The Franciscan Fathers.

When the Holy People first made the horse, it was a complete thing, but it would not come to life. They tried to get it to rise up on its strong legs, but it would not rise. Caterpillar was asked to help. "How can I help?" he asked. "You know," one of the Holy People said, "where the sacred flints are kept." "Yes, this is true. But I am slow getting around." Then the Holy People prayed over Caterpillar and he became Butterfly. Swiftly he flew to the Mountain Where Flint Is Kept, and gathering four flints, he returned to the Holy People and put the flints into the hooves of the horse. The great horse stirred, quivered, came to life. Then it surged, leaped into life, struck the air with its hooves, and galloped off into the clouds. "Look," a Holy Person said,"the horse makes the marks of Butterfly when it dances on its hooves." And it has been that way ever since. Pgs. 175, 176

Five Horses: The five horses of the Sun Father are a way of telling time, Navajo style. White shell and pearl horses represent dawn, turquoise is noon, red shell is sunset, and jet or coal is night.

The Gift of the Gila Monster, Navajo Ceremonial Tales; 1993, Gerald Hausman.

The horses' hoofs are hada huniye (agate), the banded male stone. The hair of the mane and tail is called nltsa najin, little streaks of rain. The mane is called e alinth chene. Horses' ears are the heat lightning, that which flashes in the night. The big stars that sparkle are their eyes. The different growing plants are their faces. The big bead, yo tso, is their lips. The white bead is the teeth. Tliene delne' dil hilth, a black fluid, was put inside horses to make the whinny. Pg. 13

Sandoval told Goddard that the horse's hoofs have stripes because they were made of mirage (variegated stones) and because the rainbow went into the making of its very gait. Its mane came from a small rain cloud, and its tail from black rain, while its intestines came from water of all kinds. Some of nature's most majestic forces and elements went into the composition of its head. Sandoval related that "distant lightning composed its ears. A big spreading twinkling star formed its eye and striped its face." The face itself was formed of living plants, and the growing vegetation that made up its face illuminated it at night. Large sacred beads composed its lips, and its teeth would not "wear out quickly" because they were formed of the Navajo's treasured white shell. Sandoval's mythical horse was indeed a forceful and beautiful creature when it neighed, the sound really came from a black flute inside its mouth. Moreover, Sandoval supplied Goddard with some additional information about the horse's body, which is not included in the O'Bryan recording. It seems that red stone was used to produce the horse's heart, sunrays its bridle, and that even the dawn played a role in making up its belly, thus dividing it into two parts one black and one white, which meant that it belonged to both day and night. Pg. 14

"Here they are, those with which in time to come (people) will live," he said .......... He opened a door toward the east, they say. The place was so large that it extended as far as one could see .......... At the entrance, white shell was prancing about, they say, white shell in the likeness of a horse .......... Gracefully doing like this, lifting its foot continually, it was prancing about, they say. All of different kinds, white shell horses extended off in great numbers .......... A great amount of mist-like rain falling on them continuously, they extended off in great numbers .......... Blue birds fluttered over their heads, they say. The myth tells us that after showing Turquoise Boy these holy white horses in the first enclosure, Mirage Man continued his tour with a visit to another wing of the place, built just like the eastern one, but facing the south this time. In this place, a great turquoise horse tied with a handsome turquoise-blue rope was prancing about at the entrance, and from him had sprung the many blue horses which stood behind as far as the culture hero could see. The youth could also see that rainbows formed an arch over the sky around the blue horses while blue swallows fluttered over them, doubtless empowering the horses with the speed and endurance they contained in their blue feathers. The birds also symbolized the happiness and the immortality surrounding Sun's herd. Again, the horses were enveloped by a mist, which only intensified their beauty. Now, there remained only two other enclosures a western one and a northern one, and as before, Mirage Man showed the youth these places too. Basically, they resembled the other two, except that the horses, roped, and birds inside each one differed entirely in coloration. The western horses and the things surrounding them were yellow, while the northern horses and the things surrounding them were spotted. Pg. 21

The Navajo and Apache also have directional color associations for certain stones and shells, which, because of the religious significance attached to them, play important roles in their mythologies, ceremonies, customs, and beliefs. These stones and shells are also commonly associated with the cardinal horses, as the above myth illustrates in its references to the horses of white shell and turquoise. A fine example of this association is supplied in some information which the Navajo named Hatali Natloi gave Matthews. Hatali Natloi said that the first white horse was made of white shell, the first iron-gray horse of turquoise, the first black horse of cannel coal (jet), the first piebald horse of haliotis shell, and the first red (sorrel) horse of red stone (carnelian). Thus, horses, according to their colors, are called after the different substances of which the Navajo believe the cardinal horses were made. For that reason, the Navajo speak of turquoise or gray horses as dolizi lin, red stone or sorrel horses as bastsili lin, cannel coal or black horses as baszini lin, and haliotis or spotted horses as yolkai lin. Pg. 21

Navajo mythology expresses this same regard for the white horse and often describes the sun and moon deities riding about on their elegant, milk-white steeds. In the foregoing myth, it will be noted that the white horse occupies the east, his most common cardinal position in Navajo mythology, for the Navajo frequently associate white with the color of dawn or early morning light, which banishes the shadows and mysteries of night. Because of this association, it is said that a Navajo who owns a white horse feels himself fortunate and believes he will have no bad luck when he rides it. Sun's dawn horse plays a prominent role in a version of the myth concerning the Twin War Gods' visit to their father's house, which Maud Oakes recorded from a famous Navajo scout and medicine man named Jeff King. King told Oakes that at the beginning of time the Navajo's first holy beings chose this white horse for the young sun deity to mount each morning as he carried his burden of light into the sky. He told too of how the Twins, at a much later time, saw this horse at the deity's home in the other world and of how they met their previously unknown sister Sun's daughter who helped their father catch his horse every day. "Each morning," she would shake "a rattle to call the white horse for Sun to ride," he explained. Implying a change of its color with a change of its cardinal position, King also said that Sun's horse "moves around as it faces the four directions." Pg. 22

Most versions of the Navajo myth concerning Sun's courtship of Changing Woman ( a goddess sometimes referred to as White Shell Woman ) say that when Sun first appeared to woo her, he was dressed in white and chose to ride his splendid white horse, which sported a bridle and a saddle of the same color. The deity's choice of the white horse for this occasion signifies something else this time. First of all, Sun and his horse are attired in white to complement the theme of whiteness surrounding White Shell Woman. But more important is the purpose of Sun's visit to the goddess, who was them but a girl out gathering seeds. He wishes to instruct her as to how she might accomplish conception. The fact that Sun insisted on white dress for both himself and his white steed at this particular time "apparently differentiates," as Reichard says, "the naturally sacred from the profane." Newcomb lends support to such an interpretation by identifying white as "the color of purity and of the spirit" qualities commonly associated with the goddess whom the Navajo picture as being almost entirely above reproach. - Moon's horse is addressed third in a prayer to the holy horses in the Navajo ceremony known as Flint Way; it is called "horse of the moon, who puffs along the surface of the earth." Pg. 23

The Navajo, on the other hand, usually place their black horses at the north rather than at the east. This northern cardinal horse represents the night sky and is called Sun's "black jewel" horse in one Navajo myth ....... If a "horse has white stockings, he also sees by (means of) them." Pg. 26, 27

Red Horse: Sometimes the Navajo use him as a substitute horse in their color circuits and pair him with black to indicate such dangerous things as dark skies. Accordingly, a Navajo tradition says that Sun mounts either his red horse or his black horse "when the heavens are dark with storm." Pg. 27

The Cardinal Horse that Navajo mythology values most is the turquoise of blue horse. Much of the association that the black cardinal horse has for the Apache, the turquoise has for the Navajo; for this is the mythical horse the Navajo think of as being Sun's favorite the one he rode all day. Undoubtedly, that is why Mirage Man, as mentioned earlier in connection with the Navajo myth, kept sun's turquoise horse behind the second door of the other world corral the door which opened to the south. In the color circuit employed in this myth, the blue to the south "signifies" to use Gladys Reichard's words "the bright blue sky of day." Thus, it seems consistent to reason that the Navajo would extend the association a step further and think of the sun as a deity riding his blue horse across the sky all day. Pg. 27, 28

Two Navajo songs for good luck with horses picture for us their idea of the mythical turquoise horse. One song says that as he moves along, he does not raise dust; only glittering grains of mineral , of the sort the Navajo use in religious ceremonies, fly behind his speedy hoofs. When he gallops, sacred pollen surrounds him as dust would an ordinary horse. Through the pollen, he seems enveloped by mist,........ The other song, which the elder of the Twins is said to have sung for good luck in the Navajo version of the horse race around the world, extols, in the youth's own words, the powers of the mighty blue stallion. Here is the way part of it goes:

The turquoise horse prances with me.
From where we start the turquoise horse is seen.
The lightning flashes from the turquoise horse.
The turquoise horse is terrifying.
He stands on the upper circle of the rainbow.
The sunbeam is in his mouth for a bridle.
He circles around all the people of the earth
With their goods.
Today he is on my side
And I shall win with him.

Many intimate glimpses of the sun with his favorite horse are given in Navajo mythology. First of all, sun was ever mindful of the needs of his powerful turquoise stallion, which was larger than an ordinary horse. 80 One of the deity's first remarks after he had been created and put in the sky concerned the care of his majestic blue horse. As he went on his initial trip across the heavens, Sun looked for a nice place to pasture his mount at the noon hour. Approaching the center of the sky, he discovered a likely spot and said: "The blue horse that I ride will eat there."............ Apparently, though, the turquoise horse was well pleased with the unusual kind of pasture Sun chose for him. The first of the Navajo songs discussed above describes him "neighing joyously" as he stands on precious hides of all kinds which are spread out across the sky to symbolize clouds. There in that cloud pasture, he feeds on the tips of lovely new flowers and drinks of four mingled waters from a stream which connects with the four regions of the world.

80. Matthews, Navaho Legends, p. 233, n. 118. Another Navajo myth mentions Sun showing the Twins a huge horse which he kept under "a trap door in the center of the floor" of his house. Though the color of this horse was not given, he was described as being "like a team horse with hoofs about a foot in diameter." See Fishler, In the Beginning, p. 71. Pgs. 29, 30

The Navajo and all the Apache groups usually place the yellow mare at the western cardinal station, since they commonly associate its coloration with the various hues of yellow seen in a sunset or in early evening light. The "abalone shell in the likeness of a horse," which the Navajo Mirage Man is said to have kept behind the third door of the sun's corral, is the sacred shell associated with this horse in myths and ceremonies by all the Southern Athapascan people. Sometimes called ear shell, abalone is spiral shaped, lined with mother-of-pearl, and perforated along its outer edges. The Navajo expression for abalone is "the-particular-one-that-is-iridescent, the-one-whose-various-colors-scintillate." Oyster shell is also a common substitute for this shell. The earthly models for this mythological horse are a yellowish brown sorrel, a coyote dun, or a Palomino. Pg. 33

The last kind of horse found among the Navajo and Apache cardinal herds is the horse of two colors the dappled, the spotted, or the pinto. Such animals frequently appear at the north in color circuits of the ..... Navajo; The haliotis shell of many-colored flecks, which resembles the abalone in texture, is often used in myths and ceremonies to signify spotted horses. So is agate. Sometimes the word "spotted" is substituted by the words "sparkling," "glittering," or "variegated" in Navajo and Apache myths and tales about this horse. In ceremonies when such a color impression is intended, either mixed jewels tiny fragments from all the sacred stones are used, or else a type of stone called "mirage stone." Mirage stones are white, gray, yellowish-striped stones, which are shiny when polished, causing a magnified reflection of a number of colors. For instance, the Navajo refer to certain types of quartz as "mirage rocks," and in one Navajo myth, some small stone horse fetishes of different colors, called "Mirage Quartz Rock Horses," are shown the Twins by a supernatural being named Frog Man. Pg. 37

The Navajo Mirage Man, who was himself a combination of colors, expressed the same sort of regard to Turquoise Boy when he was showing him around the sun's corral. Implying the climactic nature of the fourth time, the Navajo myth states that the old man showed Turquoise Boy the horses he valued most when he opened the last door of the corral the door which led to the "spotted horses" with "the white eyelashes." In a similar way, Frog Man, who in another Navajo Myth was acknowledged by Sun as knowing as much about the breeding of fine horses as anyone in the gods' world, treasured the "Mirage Quartz Rock Horses" he kept in a ceremonial basket. It was said that Frog Man "raised all kinds and colors of horses, sheep and goats," and that he, like the sun's corral-keeper in the other myth, was formed also from a mirage substance quartz rock, in this case. However, Navajo traditions say that their horse-loving sun deity prized his paints, his dappled and his spotted horses too so much, in fact, that he kept an entire cardinal herd of them. Those who saw these beautiful horses must have had a rich experience, for one glimpse at them in a Navajo myth is enough to convince us that they combined all the colors Sun most enjoyed on the may good horses he rode in each of the quadrants. According to the myth, "to the east were ones with white bodies with all kinds of blue designs and spots. To the south was a blue one with white spots and all kinds of designs. There were also horses with white finger marks with a blue background. To the west was a yellow one with black and white spots, while to the north was a black one with a yellow-reddish nose and white spots all over it." Pg. 38

Fortunately, the things the goddess needed to create the first horses for mankind were already at the new residence. Inside this palatial hogan were four horses made of jewel substances, belonging to each of the directions, and in the center of these stood a stately jet horse "at the root of a perfect cornstalk . . . . . . On the cornstalk's top sat a black songbird." Like everything else in her western home, the goddess's cornstalk was modeled after the one Sun kept at his eastern home. A better idea of what it looked like and what purpose it served can be had by examining the one belonging to Sun. According to a description Goldtooth supplied Fishler, Sun's cornstalk grew in the center of a basket which he kept on a shelf in the center of his house. Inside the basket were also some pieces of turquoise, all types and colors of corn, and four horse fetishes facing the cardinal directions and surrounding the cornstalk, on which hung two ears of corn, most probably representing the male and female sexes, since this is what they ordinarily symbolize in Navajo myths. The sacred stone and shell horse fetishes "ate the corn pollen that fell from the corn tassels," Goldtooth said. They were tied to four posts which also stood inside the basket, facing the four directions. Sun and moon designs were carved on each post and attached to each were eagle feathers and rattles of precious stones and shells. "There were rattles made out of white bead on the pole to the east, turquoise rattles to the south, oyster shell rattles to the west, and jet rattles to the north." Perhaps the white rattles were the ones that Sun's daughter used each morning to summon Sun's white horse, a daily chore mentioned previously. Goldtooth said that when Sun himself shook the rattles of white bead, the horse fetishes tied to the poles of the four directions "would also begin to rattle and move just as if they were alive." In fact, this was how the fetishes got their exercise, he noted, adding that Sun also shook the rattles "to give pep and energy to all animals, plants, bushes, trees and all things upon the earth." Pg. 57

A white shell basket stood there. In it was the water of a mare's afterbirth. A turquoise basket stood there. It contained the water of the afterbirth. An abalone basket full of eggs of various birds stood there. A jet basket with eggs stood there. The baskets stand for quadrupeds, the eggs for birds. Now as Changing Woman began to sing the Animals came up to taste. The horse tasted twice; hence mares sometimes give birth to twins. One ran back without tasting. Four times, he ran up and back again. The last time he said, "Sh!" and did not taste. "She will not give birth. Long-ears (Mule) she will be called," said Changing Woman. The others tasted the eggs from the different places. Hence there are many feathered people. Because they tasted the eggs in the abalone and jet baskets many are black.
O'Bryan's text, again more detailed and much clearer, supplies the missing links of the Goddard version:
After the White Bead Woman's chanting, the four horses began to move, the white-bead horse fetish, the turquoise horse fetish, the white-shell horse fetish and the banded stone horse fetish. These four stone fetishes were made into living horses. Life came into them and they whinnied. Then the White Bead Woman took the horses from her home. She placed them on the white bead plain, on the turquoise plain, on the white bead hill, and on the turquoise hill. Returning, she laid out four baskets the white bead basket, the turquoise basket, the white shell basket, and the black jet basket. In these she placed the medicine which would make the horses drop their colts. The White Bead Woman then went outside and chanted, and down came the horses from the hill; but instead of four there came a herd. They circled the home, and they came to the baskets and licked up the medicine with one lick. Now some of the horses licked twice around the baskets; so once in a long while there are twin colts. But the horses that licked out of the black jet basket licked more than once, and they have many colts. Then out of the herd there came one with long ears. She snorted and jumped away; and the second time she approached the basket she snorted and ran away. So she was not to have young, either male or female. It was planned that the fetishes of the horses were to be laid in the center of the earth, in a place called Sis na dzil .... Pg. 61

They Sang for Horses: The Impact of the Horse on Navajo and Apache Folklore; 1966, La Verne Harrell Clark.

A Navaho on foot was no menace to the Puebloans, but a Navajo or tribe of Navajos on horseback was a different equation. No longer were they a subservient race. They could strike, raid, and be away before the stone house dwellers could string their bows and shoot their arrows. The possession of horses brought a golden era of prosperity to the tribe. They stole sheep and goats from the Mexicans; from the Puebloans they stole corn and beans to plant in their own extensive fields, and wherever possible, they took women and children into slavery. The wealth of a clan was counted by the size of the flock of sheep, and for every man, woman, and child there was a horse to ride. Pg. xxiii

Hosteen Klah, Navajo Medicine Man and Sand Painter; 1964, Franc Johnson Newcomb.

Since the horse was not indigenous to the western hemisphere, its arrival brought a wholly new way of life to most of the Indian tribes. It came to signify power and speed and wealth. Pg. 62

Sitting on the Blue-Eyed Bear, Navajo Myths and Legends; 1975, Gerald Hausman.

The acquisition of the horse had a profound effect upon Navajo culture. Not only did increased mobility enlarge the range and frequency of contact with non-Navajos, but also it altered the character of social relations within the tribe. It was now possible to visit more frequently and to attend ceremonial events from much greater distances. Thus, the audiences at ceremonials became larger, and this in turn may have led to the elaboration of the ceremonies themselves.

Earth is my Mother, Sky is my Father: Space, Time, and Astronomy in Navajo Sandpainting;
1992, Trudy Griffen-Pierce

Yeis

Every creature, every aspect of nature has its holy people . . . . even the stinkbug. Sometimes you can see them, if only for an instant. They are represented, some of them, by colors: the blue sky, the evening dusk, the night these are holy people and one prays to them. There are iron people, crystal people, then the other rocks " and such people." There are dawn people, twilight people, air, thunder, and cloud people. One does not talk about such things in nature when they and their holy people are present.


When a point (arrowhead) is found, the person inhales the air around it four times and asks for protection from the spirit accompanying it. Although some believe that arrowheads are made by horned toads that blow on a rock and chip it into a form with its breath.

Head shape symbolizes the male-female distinction: male figures tend to have round heads while females have square heads. In some cases this reflects a sexual distinction, but at other times, where both round and square heads are used indiscriminately of both genders, the round-headed figures represent deities with dominant power, a male characteristic. In still other sandpaintings, however, such as those of the Mountainway, the association of power and head shape does not hold. Lightning marks, arrows, and snakes may also indicate gender. Crooked lightning on the legs, arms, and body of a figure indicates that it is male while the straight form indicates a female bearer. Male/female color symbolism is complicated in Navajo sandpainting, and many exceptions exist for a discussion of possible color combinations and their meanings). This is because sex pairing that is, the powers that are dominant (male) and secondary or weaker (female) vary from chant to chant. Usually, however, black or yellow symbolizes male figures in sandpaintings and blue or white symbolizes female figures; this holds true for the following chants: Big Starway, Nightway, Big Godway, Navajo Windway, Hand Tremblingway, Beadway, and half the paintings in Plumeway. Another common arrangement, seen in the Shootingway and Beautyway, is black and blue for males, white and yellow for females.


Navajos who have seen Holy People will offer proof of this in the appearance of a single footprint in the sand. Pg. 62

The rainbow is the path of the Holy People, or Yei, and is depicted in sand paintings. During the stormy summer months, rainbows are an almost constant phenomenon, stretching very clear and bright across the vast sky, sometimes two or three rainbows appearing at the same time. Pg. 62

Sitting on the Blue-Eyed Bear, Navajo Myths and Legends; 1975, Gerald Hausman.

As one might expect, the origin and transformation of the present Navaho world are more fully described than any of the nether regions; it will be discussed below. Two higher realms of the universe are depicted in broad lines, and conceivably there are other wolds above those. The sky is a world just like this one; in it Sun, Moon, and stars are visible to us as they move through the space between the world hemispheres. Above the stratum into which we look, the heavely bodies have their homes, living much like the people here on earth. The better-known Thunders also live in the sky realm.
The Land-beyond-the-sky is inhabited by extra-powerful storm elements Winter, Pink and Spotted Thunders, Big Winds, and Whirlwinds. They run a school for novices learning the ritual of the Male Shooting, Hail, Water, and Feather chants; the pupils are conducted thither and back by other gods.

Dawn, Dawn People (yikaih, yikaih dine'e) (P) are referred to incidentally in relation to Sun's sky wife. They are manifestations of the Holy People and there may be a chant in which they are leading characters.
A group of people killed at Taos were Sun's children. The two chief ones, girls dressed in spiral strings of jewels, were called Two-dawns-arrive (Haile 1938b, p. 163; Goddard, pp. 139-40).

Female Gods (xa'ctce' ba'a'd, yei' ba'a'd) (P) are described by Matthews as female representations of the more familiar gods. The masks and dress of Female Gods differ from those of their male partners. I am not sure whether they are always the same or are modified according to the males with which they are paired. They function only weakly in the chants with which I have dealt most (Matthews 1902, pp.16-9, PI. III, D; Curtis, p.110).

Fringed Mouth (zaxado'liai, zaxa'do'liai) (P) is a major character of the Night Chant, whose costume and properties are conceived in great detail. It is, however, difficult to get a clear idea of his function. The name is taken from the mask, which has fringe around the eyes and mouth. There are two kinds of Fringed Mouths, Land Fringed Mouths (tsentci' zaxado'ltsa') and Water Fringed Mouths (ta'tla'dii zaxado'lia'i). The few references indicate that they are the lifting force of lightning.
When the log containing Self Teacher was stuck at a falls in the San Juan River, the gods labored in vain to release it until the Water Fringed Mouths roped the log with the lightning onto their bodies, and lifted it.
When the log containing the Visionary was stuck in an eddy, the Land and Water Fringed Mouths found out who was responsible and offerings were made to Beaver, Otter, Fish, and Water Coyote to release it.
The Eagles of the Bead Chant found difficulty in lifting the earth boy, Scavenger. When they tried, he spun round so that they were not able to rise. Wind took the news to Land Fringed Mouth, who came with Talking God. The Eagles had wrapped the boy in a dark cloud attached with lightning and rainbow strings. It was dark inside; Talking God and Fringed Mouth put a crystal inside to furnish light and gave him a yellow tube of reed through which to breathe. They placed Fringed Mouth's headdress on Scavenger's head and a reed wand in his hand. The Eagles were able to raise him, so prepared, to the sky (Matthews 1897, pp.168, 170, 215; 1902, p. 11ff., 178; Sapir-Hoijer, pp.157, 505; Curtis, p.108; Reichard 1939, p.29).

Gray God (xa'ctce' lbahi) (P) is specifically envisaged. Though he is not described, his functions are referred to in the Night Chant. With Talking God and Female God he performs the ritual of the circular prayersticks; he participates in the ritual with the Night Chant talisman and he, instead of xactc'e'oyan, may administer the medicine. He is one of the begging gods.
He conducted the Stricken Twins on a part of their journey. When they came to the House of Gods, he held up two fox-skins; as he pulled them apart, cloud curtains rolled back and the twins entered.
According to Sapir (probably through Father Berard), Gray God, Water Sprinkler, and xactc'e'do'di' are three names for the same deity (Matthews 1902, pp.69, 94, 126, 130, 238; Sapir-Hoijer, p.511, 91n).

Hard-flint-people (be'c ntlizi') (P) seem to be a personification of flint and are probably the mythological prototype of the Black Dancers of the War Ceremony. Their noisy behavior was shocking to Monster Slayer, but it was not dangerous because their leader, a woman, had medicine in her quiver which would prevent the enemy from hearing the noise. An unexplained remark doubtless refers to the fearsome flashing of flint- 'reddish light shone through her leg tendons.' Flint People were dressed in flint and protected by lightning, sunrays, and rainbows. They had arrows of heat and cold; they stole food from the gardens of the enemy. Monster Slayer had to admit that their power was greater than his (Ch. 12, Red; Haile 1938b, pp. 159-62).

Male God (xa'ctce' baka', yei' baka') (P) perhaps means 'some male god or other.' He doubtless has different specific aspects and functions in the various ceremonies in which he appears. So far as I know, he is not a part of any of the chants to which the Shooting chants are most closely related.
Male God, paired with Talking God, is a part of a corn-planting rite of the Night Chant, probably another manifestation of Talking God (Matthews 1902, pp. 15-7, 202).

Pollen Boy (ta'didi'n 'acki') (P), symbol of the male generative element, is of prime importance in blessing and protective rites. He is paired with Cornbeetle Girl, one of the group, otherwise composed of birds, that brings and accompanies happiness. The names of both occur in all the formulas I have found (Newcomb-Reichard, Fig. 10, PI. II, B, D, XXI, XXII; Wheelwright 1942, Set II, 4).

Racing Gods (ta' dza'sti'n, 'He-simply-lies,' and 'acki' nde'sgai, 'Boy-radiating-white-streaks') (P) are vivid examples of the 'Dirty Boy' theme. They were treated as inferior creatures to be despised and mocked. The one is described with some detail; the other is said to be like his brother. The office of the meal sprinkler in the Fire Dance is one of great honor. Two are chosen, carefully decorated, and given wands and fawnskin bags containing meal. Since these couriers have to cover a great deal of ground in order to invite people, even strangers, the office requires speed and endurance for which only exceptional persons can qualify. The fullest version of the mythical couriers is in the myth of the Mountain Chant.

When those having charge of the chant sung over Reared-in-the-mountain on the fifth day asked for volunteers to carry out the meal-scattering, no one responded, and even though the young men were coaxed, all refused to go. At night an old woman entered the hogan where the elders were arranging the ceremony and announced, without preliminaries, "I will send my grandson as a meal sprinkler." The people were so astounded that they thought the offer a great joke. The old woman lived near by and whenever anyone visited her hogan, her grandson lay on the ground asleep. He never went out to hunt, and the people concluded he was lazy and worthless. His hair was unkempt, short, and matted; he was dirty, lean, and bent. Because of their low opinion of the boy, the people did not reply to the old woman's offer except with laughter, significant looks, or silence. After the fourth offer, the leader told her to bring in the grandson to show him off. The old woman waited until morning.
When in the morning the boy appeared among the group of singers, he was the ideal Navaho youth. His hair was thick, glossy, and so long that it fell below his knees; his legs were strong and firm; he held his head erect and walked with poise and self-confidence. His brother, no less handsome, came in and sat opposite him. The men in charge were so astonished that, without a word, they began to prepare the youths for the journey.
After careful instructions the boys walked slowly away from the hogan. Those left behind gave way once more to misgivings, saying that the young men would never accomplish their mission. The lads went out of sight just as the sun rose. Those left behind continued to make fun of the runners as, waiting, they played games. About the middle of the afternoon-ordinarily the runners do not return until night-the two couriers were seen returning, one from the north and one from the south. The people said they must have forgotten something and were coming back for it, meaning they had not even got started.
The boys entered, handed their bags to the chanter, and sat down. One pouch contained some corncakes baked in ashes that were still warm, the other some maguey jelly, proving that the couriers had reached their respective destinations, had sprinkled the meal, and received tokens of acceptance from those invited. Not until night did they tell the story of their trip, for they waited until the people who 'had no sense' had gone out. This time they wore valuable jewelry and embroidered blankets such as the gods once wore but which man no longer sees.
Later in the evening when the guests had all arrived, a chief went among the crowd and found the old grandmother sitting humbly apart. He spoke to her: "Your grandsons have done a great honor to us. . . . Tell me, won't you, how they accomplished this wonderful deed."
The old woman explained, "They are Holy People. For many years my grandson has risen early every morning and run clear around Mt. Taylor time and again before sunrise. That is the reason people have not seen him in the daytime; he has been asleep. At the base of Mt. Taylor are numerous rockpiles, all made by my grandson, who dropped a rock every time he ran around the mountain."
The well-dressed young men, after reporting to the singers, went about the camp visiting and flirting with the wives and sweethearts of those who had mocked, and everywhere the woman fell for their blandishments. There was nothing for the men to do but sulk.

In the myth of the Stricken Twins, the Holy Ones from Red-rock-projects were said to be the best runners and acted as couriers to carry the news of the success of the boys in their attack on Awatobi. The names are not given; these may have been Red Gods (Matthews 1887, pp. 411-5; 1902, pp. 25, 256; Reichard 1944d, pp. 89-93; Haile 1943a, p. 31).

Red God (xa'ctce' ltci") (P) seems to be a particular manifestation of Racing God.
Red gods were dispatched to find the hero of the Night Chant after he had been gone unduly long.
At their home, Where-red-rock-stands-up, Red gods refused to help the Stricken Twins: "It is not our province to cure. We are the bearers of the whip, the Racing People. It is our duty to punish the runners who lose in the race" (Matthews 1902, pp. 194, 223).

Round Darkness (tcaxalxe'I didjoli') (H) and Round Wind were called by First Man to celebrate The Twins' victory over Big Monster. They sang and danced with much spirit. Round Darkness was said to have been a dwarf (Haile 1938b, pp.113, 252, 41n).

Round Wind (n'ltc'i didjoli') (H) informed Monster Slayer about the fierceness of Burrowing Monster (Haile 1938b, p.113).

Shooting God (xa'ctce'oltohi) (P) succeeded in persuading Changing Woman to move to the west when other armored gods had failed.
In the Night Chant, a man wearing a female costume is called Shooting God. According to Stephen's manuscript, Shooting God was a berdache. One lived at each of the sacred mountains with Talking God and xactc'e'oyan (Newcomb-Reichard, pp. 34-5, Fig. 4, PI. XVI; Matthews 1902, pp. 24-5).

Sky (ya' dilxil) (P) is paired with Earth as the origin of all things. It is black, with the chief heavenly bodies depicted on its body, the stars and constellations and their positions differing at various times of the year (Newcomb-Reichard, p. 37).

Sky Pillars (yaya' nzini) (H), 'Those-who-stand-under-the-sky,' had their origin in the difficulties of getting the sun into the sky. Changing Woman lit a turquoise disk with a crystal (even though up to this time there had been neither light nor heat!) and it became heat incarnate. The heavens were so close to the 'people' that they could hardly stand upright. When the people looked up, they saw two rainbows crossed. There was so little space between the earth and sky that the heads and feet of the rainbows almost touched the heads of the people. As the people were vainly trying to raise the sun, First Man and First Woman suddenly appeared. The First Pair raised the sun somewhat by means of a sunbeam, a crystal, and a rainbow, but their power gave out before the heat was ameliorated.
Then they made two poles of turquoise and two of white-shell, and with the four poles the twelve men at each of the four cardinal points raised the sun still higher. Even this was not sufficient to prevent burning, and the men were driven to stretching the earth by blowing, a device that finally succeeded in getting the sun into a place that allows for a satisfactory temperature. Earth's position depends upon the support of the Sky People, assigned their duty by Changing Woman. When The Twins visited Sun, he led them out to the edge of the world where the sky and earth come close together and beyond which there is nothing. Here sixteen poles-four of whiteshell, four of turquoise, four of abalone, and four of redshell-reached from earth to sky. A deep stream flowed between the party and the poles. When asked on which ones they would ascend, The Twins, prompted by Wind, chose the red poles, since they stood for war.
The earth's center (xadji'na'i, ni' alni") is a holy place, indicating the Place-of-emergence, which has various geographical locations, none actually fitting the description. The corresponding point in the sky is the Skyhole, the place to which Sun led The Twins when giving them their geography test of the world. It was edged with four smooth, steep, shiny cliffs of the same precious stones as the poles that supported the sky. Sun sat at the west side of the hole, the boys at the east. Even keeping their places would have been impossible, had not Wind blown up through the hole and kept the youths from slipping down through it.

The number of Sky Pillars varies.
One time First Man ground rock and broadcast it; rocks stood up in a line. Then the four People-who-stand-under-the-earth began to sing and, moving away from each other, stretched out the earth.

These supporting people are pictured in a sandpainting of the Hail Chant with the explanation that the twelve people, six males at the north, six females at the south, hold up the earth. Their names are ni' yo'tso, 'Earth-big-whiteshell,' and yaya' nzini, 'Those-who-stand-under-the-sky.' The same kind of pillars-of reed or precious stones-hold up earth and sky.
The Wheelwright creation story describes the Earth Columns as twelve Big Winds in each direction, explaining that all kinds of winds were sent to support the sky and the stars (Stevenson, pp. 276-7; Matthews 1897, p. 113; Goddard, p. 137; Reichard 1944d, p. 103; Wheelwright 1942, pp. 66-7; 1946, p. 192).

Superior God (xactc'e' 'ayoi) (P) is mischievous and only incidentally helpful. In one myth he seems to be identified with the Visionary of the Night Chant.
His offerings are described. He made a device to hinder the progress of the whirling log of the Night Chant, pretended to be friends of the Holy Ones concerned with its progress, but did not help them.

In two myths of the Night Chant, Superior God kidnaped co, the hero.
Superior God, accompanied by Talking God, met the Stricken Twins at a crater in the vicinity of Mt. Taylor and told them that anyone trespassing on the territory of Superior Gods would be whipped and would never again return to his own people (Matthews 1902, pp. 162, 181, 204, 237).

The Brothers (dine na'kitsa'da) (P), 'the twelve people,' are idealized individuals who control rare game and game lore. According to Matthews, there were eleven, who lived with and provided well for their only sister; according to my version, there were twelve. Both stories concern The Youngest Brother more than the others; the life of the older ones is suggested rather than revealed. One was named Reared-in-the-earth by the Holy Ones because they had hidden him in the earth to spy upon his sister. This name, which was given also to a counterpart of Monster Slayer for other reasons, suggests that The Brothers may be duplicates of The Twins. There is reason to conclude that all are children of Sun and Changing Woman.
In my version of the myth, The Brothers fear Coyote; in Matthews' version, they openly flaunt him. Although they were destroyed in the contest with Coyote, Changing Woman restored them; their remark puts them in the class of intermediaries: "We do not visit the people, but we stand on the mountains and watch them."
The twelve snakes on each side of the center of the Grinding Snakes' painting are said to represent the Twelve Brothers, as are twelve Medicine People on each side of the Hole-of-emergence in an unpublished painting (Matthews 1897, pp.92-9, 103, 149, 226; Reichard, Endurance Chant ms.; 1939, PI. XV; Newcomb-Reichard, PI. IX; Huckel ms.).

Turquoise Boy (do'tliji' 'acki') (P) appears in a curious description by Sandoval:
In the third world, at the east side of the eastern mountain, lived Turquoise Boy, with twelve male companions and the Mirage People. After First Man had decreed many things about this third world, including the months and seasons, he said to Turquoise Boy, "Step inside the sun and put the reed flute with twelve holes under your shirt. Let the Mirage People step inside with you to keep you invisible to Earth People." Turquoise Boy agreed and said that whenever he passed by he should be recompensed by the death of a person. Whiteshell Boy was put into the moon for the same purpose.

There is perhaps some connection between this happening and the gift of the agate or turquoise 'man' Sun gave The Twins, represented by the pollen ball in the Shooting Chant (Pollen ball, Con. B; Goddard, pp.128, 135).

Water Horse (te 'Ii") (U), depicted in sandpainting and occasionally referred to in myth, was said to be Water Monster's pet; the name means literally 'deep-water-pet.' He was the guardian of Water Monster's home.

When The Twins were about to visit Hanging Cloud, the assembly which was to consider the matter of originating chants was announced by Water Monster and Water Horse, and was held at their home (Newcomb-Reichard p. 62, PI. XXIX, XXXIII; Matthews 1897, p.168; Reichard, Shooting Chant ms.).

Water Monster (te'xo'ltso'di') (U) is said to look much like an otter with fine fur, but has horns like a buffalo. The young look something like buffalo calves, but have spots of all colors, yellow hands, and a generally strange appearance. In sandpaintings Water Monster resembles Thunder, but has an elongated body. Monster Slayer transformed parts of the subdued Traveling Rock into Water Monster, who promised to keep mountain springs open and rivers flowing.
Water Monster was a character of the lower worlds.

Spider Woman stole Water Monster's child in the second world and it has been lost to this day.
Water Monster kept following the people to get back his child. The people made Spider give it back and Water Monster returned to the world below.

Water Monster is everybody's friend.

After the separated men and women agreed to live together again, a woman and her two daughters were left behind. The men promised to fetch them the next morning, but the women were so eager they jumped into the water. The mother drowned and the daughters were seized by Water Monsters. The people, aided by White Body (Talking God) and Blue Body (Water Sprinkler), went under the waters to the home of Water Monster. Coyote sneaked along. The monster refused to return the girls and Coyote stole two of his children, concealing them under his robe. He thereby caused the floods that drove people out of the fourth world.
Water Monster represented a large group of Water People who grabbed Self Teacher as he traveled in the whirling log. He defied Water Sprinkler, who came after the youth, but gave up to Black God when he set fire to the waters. An incident of the War Ceremony, in which Coyote and Owl sing, represents the conquest of Water Monster by Monster Slayer. In another version, Monster Slayer, attacked on his way to Sun's home, overcame Water Monster with a prayer. When I first wrote of sandpaintings l called this creature Water Ox, because I thought the horns distinguished him from Water Horse. The name was unfortunate, for horns do not characterize, but symbolize, power. The name means 'One-who-grabs-in-deep-water' (Newcomb-Reichard, p.62; Matthews 1897, pp.73-7, 168-70, 212, 8n; 232, lion; Wheelwright 1942, p.55; Stephen 1930, pp.100-i; Goddard, p.131; Haile 1938b, pp. 127-8).

Water Sprinkler (to ninili', to neinili') (P) often accompanies Black God, but he appears too with Talking God. Water Sprinkler, said to be the 'same' as Blue Body of the fourth world, is the rain bringer and water-carrier of the gods. The jar of collected waters is his symbol in story and sand-painting, though, curiously enough, he does not carry it in the masked impersonations. He controls rain and waters. He causes rain by sprinkling the collected waters in his jar in the four directions. He can separate and walk through deep or underground waters.
In the Night Chant, he is impersonated as a clown. His clothing is of inferior quality because he 'might get wet.' He is usually out of step with the other dancers. He gets in their way, peers about while the others concentrate on song and steps, moves away to inspect little things among the audience, or sits on the ground with his hands clasped around his knees and rocks his body to and fro. Sometimes he dances with the group, concentrating so seriously that he does not notice they have left the dance place; then discovering that he is alone, he runs after them as fast as he can go. Sometimes he carries the skin of a small animal which he drops and pretends not to notice. Suddenly he hunts everywhere for it in great agitation, although it lies in plain sight. When, after much tomfoolery, he finds it, he jumps on it as if trying to kill. At length he lifts it like a heavy burden and carries it away on his back. He is said to act like this because he is pleased with what is being done in the ceremony.
One of Water Sprinkler's duties, besides separating deep waters, is to extinguish fire made by Black God; in addition, he is often sent to investigate things in the water. He went to see what stopped the whirling log at an eddy and found a dam, but could not find the people who had made it. When the Fringed Mouths discovered it had been the Flat Tails, he helped to negotiate with them. When the log stopped again, Water Sprinkler found the people who had made the dam.
Water Sprinkler taught the Visionary of the Night Chant how to prepare and preserve the products of his garden.
Nearly all the gods officiate in some capacity at the bath rite of novices. At one of Rainboy's baths, numerous gods participated: the yucca roots had been pounded on one side and they were supposed to stand upright. Water Sprinkler volunteered to hold them up. Changing Woman made suds while Talking God sang, Water Sprinkler poured water into the basket, and Changing Woman removed the yucca roots.
Water Sprinkler lived at Big Willow, a long distance from Talking God's home in the canyon, but when anything happened that concerned them both, they met for consultation in between (Matthews 1897, pp. 68, 166, 168, 170; 1902, pp. 29, 175, 178, 180, 189-92, 208; Curtis, p. 106; Reichard 1939, p.31; 1944d, p. 79).


Water Woman (to 'asdza"n) (P) lives in the water and presides over all small tributaries. Rain is her child (Stephen ms.).


Water's Child (to biyaji) (H) is said by Father Berard to be spring water and by Matthews to be the splash of rain falling into a quiet pool (Haile 1938b, p. 254, 98n; Matthews 1902, p. 311, 22n).

Whirlwind (niyol) (U) is a common phenomenon in the Navaho country. If a person sees one coming toward him, he may rush toward it and say "s-s-su!" (the Navaho equivalent of "Scat!") and the whirlwind will turn in the opposite direction and subside.

Whirlwind and Flint Boy helped Youngest Brother when he was hidden in the fireplace, watching Changing-bear-maiden and Coyote. They made tunnels for him to hide in, gave him weapons and the monitors, Wind and Darkness (Matthews 1897, p. 101).
Whistling God, Sucking God, Squeaking God (xactc'e''idiltso'si') (U) is quite well described by Matthews. He gets his name from the sucking noise which the Navaho compare with that of a mouse. He has a black face and dwells in a cave in which there is a white rainbow; he is considered 'bad.'

He joined Superior God in hindering the progress of the whirling log.
Whistling Gods released the cave trap which had caught the Stricken Twins. These gods moved very fast and carried a four-stranded yucca whip. One of them told the Stricken Twins that every one who came to their house, even the gods, must be whipped; naturally they had few visitors.

Offerings are described for Whistling God.
There are some hints that Whistling God may be related to Wind (Sapir-Hoijer, pp. 177, 185, 224-7, 511, 93n; Matthews 1902, pp.181, 215, 236).

xactce'o'yan, xactc'e'oyan (P) is an untranslatable name of the weaker companion of the pair dominated by Talking God. Matthews translates it 'House God,' and strangely, his translation has been followed by all his successors except Goddard. Sandoval from Shiprock, who worked with Goddard, thought the misconception very amusing. Tla'h, who was from Newcomb, thought the translation ridiculous, but was more annoyed than amused by it. The informants at Ganado agreed in not attaching a meaning to the name.
xactc'e'oyan is minutely described by Matthews. What has been said of Talking God to the effect that symbols are emphasized, not exclusive, holds for his companion as well. xactc'e'oyan is represented as having charge of farm songs and is the god of evening or sunset.
Two origins are given for him: Yellow Body stood for xactc'e'oyan in the third world; he is said to have been created by Whiteshell Woman from a yellow corn ear.

As the gods flocked around the Visionary marveling at his turkey, he explained every symbol of its body. When he finished, the youth said to xactc'e'oyan, "That is the way my pet turkey is dressed. Tell me now, how is your pet turkey dressed?" The god answered, "I have no pet turkey. Things that belong to the water are mine.

Water Boy is said to be the son of xactc'e'oyan. The young man pitted against the sometime successful Gambler, the one who finally overcame him, was the son of xactc'e'oyan, whose name is not given; he was a young married man who had no children.
The god xactc'e'oyan is mentioned as often as Talking God, usually as his companion. xactc'e'oyan helped the Visionary by negotiating with the Water People, who impeded the whirling log; he blew upon the rainbow on which the Visionary moved his crops to start it. xactc'e'oyan was severe to the Stricken Twins until they had obtained the treasures of Awatobi; later, he was prominent in the ceremony for their treatment.
xactc'e'oyan is concerned with fees: Sun told his son by Rough Woman, groomed to beat Gambler, to get the stakes for betting from xactc'e'oyan. After everything had been prepared and the young man was ready to start off, the god asked about his fee. When it was promised, xactc'e'oyan advised the party to wait yet another day in order to make the mind of Gambler 'forked,' that is, to keep him from concentrating on his games; an additional fee was paid for this information.
When Monster Slayer caught his first eagle, he gave twelve choice tail feathers to Talking God and twelve tail feathers of the second eagle to xactc'e'oyan; these may now be seen in their headdresses and as rays of the rising and setting sun.
According to Stephen, xactc'e'oyan lives with Talking God inside La Plata Mountain; both guard the game animals.
When the gods took co, hero of the Night Chant, on a round of visits to the gods, they came to the home of one of the xactc'e'oyan (one of these gods was in the party but the house was not his). It was made of blue sky. On top of it grew four spruce trees: at the east, a white one with a pigeon on its tip; at the south a blue spruce with a bluebird; at the west, a yellow spruce with a pygmy owl; and at the north, a black spruce with a yellow-shouldered blackbird.
During their wanderings the Stricken Twins, with the conivance of Talking God, came into an assembly led by xactc'e'oyan at Broad Rock. The house was among the rocks; on its front there was a rainbow of two colors; as soon as the boys touched the rock,it flew open and they entered an empty chamber. On the opposite wall they saw an arched door of three rainbow colors, which also flew open. They continued through three rooms, each of which had one more color in the arch of the secret door, until they entered the fourth door, over which was a rainbow of five colors. The door itself was covered with beautiful rock crystals glittering like stars. When they entered the fourth room, they were confronted with so many Holy People that the lame boy was abashed and hung his head (Matthews 1897, pp. 68, 82-3, 225; 1902, pp. 10, 16, 179, 192, 208, 218, 263, 316, Pl. III, B, VI; Stevenson, p. 227; Goddard, pp. 142-3; Newcomb 1940b, pp. 63, 73; Stephen ms.).

xactc'e'do'di (P) is said to be another name for Water Sprinkler and Gray God.
When the Stricken Twins approached the gods' home, their dog barked. xactc'e'oyan, sent by Talking God to investigate, led the twins in.
xactc'e'do'di had a blue face and a quiver of puma skin, and accompanied Monster Slayer and Child-of-the-water in a rite.
When the Stricken Twins returned with the treasures of Awatobi, xactc'e'do'di' accompanied xactc'e'oyan as he went to meet them.
xactc'e'do'di helped Water Sprinkler to get sand for a sandpainting.
Possibly xactc'e'do'di is identified with Crane (Sapir-Hoijer, p. 511, 91n; Matthews 1902, pp. 230, 232, 256, 263; cp. Haile 1943a, p. 22).

xa'dactcici' (P), associated with yucca, appears in some forms of the Night Chant. His home is called Narrow-yucca-spreads; he carries a yucca plant on his back and a whip of yucca fiber in his hand. Whipping with yucca, believed to relieve lumbago or headache, is his only power.
xa'dactcici' conducted the Stricken Twins into one of the homes of the gods.
One of the mountain sheep that turned into gods became xa'dactcici' (Matthews 1897, p. 251, 266n; 1902, pp. 14-5, 233; Stevenson, p. 283).

Navajo Religion, Vol II; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950

Corn

The Supernaturals also warn him of taboos connected with the use of corn. It should not be cooked until it is ripe nor eaten before it is fully cooked, or frost and floods will damage the crop. In the "vigil of the corn" ceremony the corn is fed with dried meat; if it were to be fed with corn it would thus consume itself, just as feeding meat to the masks would cause men to eat each other. When giving this warning Talking God refers to the time that ugly woman fed corn to the corn with result that " the people starved and men ate the flesh of other men." Pg. 170, Plume Way.


Talking God to White Shell Woman and Turquoise Woman: Talking God expresses approval when he learns that the wives still have the corn he had given them, "It is your symbol of fertility and new life." Pg. 194, Eagle Way.

Sickness will occur if one lies down in a corn field.

From the vegetables brought back at this time the Navajo first acquired seeds of corn and pumpkin. Pg. 171, Plume Way.

Navajo Chantway Myths, 1957; Katherine Spencer.

Four Sacred Plants are assigned to the cardinal points, and amongst the Navajos Maize is the plant of the North, Beans of the east. This means that both are male and as both are grown for edible seeds, recognition of the physiological function of the male was probably involved in the selection. This is entirely possible since the convention could have been established only very late, after settlement in America. Squash, for the Navajos, is the plant of the South, which is fitting since its fruit is called "eight-sided" and the eight-sided earth (an alternative to the square earth, taking account of the diagonal directions) is female. Also the stalk is angled in sections, a feature deliberately exaggerated when the plant is depicted in sand paintings, and crooked things are female. Tobacco, which the Navajos put on the west, is female because it is used to make smoke which is blown out with the breath, and that is female. Below the Plants are white roots, the significance being that these plants still have their roots in the lower world.

From Hail Chant and Water Chant By Mary C. Wheelwright and Emergence Myth Emergence Myth, according to Hanelthnayhe or Upward-Reaching Rite; Recorded by Father Berard Haile, O.F.M Rewritten by Mary C. Wheelwright.

First Man called the people together. He brought forth the white corn which had been formed with him. First Woman brought the yellow corn. They laid the perfect ears side by side; then they asked one person from among the many to come and help them. The Turkey stepped forward. They asked him where he had come from, and he said that he had come from the Gray Mountain. He danced back and forth four times, then he shook his feather coat and there dropped from his clothing four kernels of corn, one gray, one blue, one black, and one red. Another person was asked to help in the plan of the planting. The big snake came forward. He likewise brought forth four seeds, the pumpkin, the watermelon, the cantaloupe, and the muskmelon. His plants all crawl on the ground. Pg. 6

7- Informant's note: Rarely is much white or yellow corn planted at one time because it is the most sacred. Pg. 103

The Dine': Origin Myths of the Navajo Indians, 1956; Aileen O'Bryan.

Corn Boy, Corn Girl, Cornmeal Carrier: Corn is the most sacred of all Native American plants. Originally, it came from native grasses of Mexico and Guatemala and was brought to Turtle Island by Mexican Indians and Carib people. Standing straight and tall, corn resembles human beings standing in rows. White corn is thought, by the Navajo, to be male, yellow corn is female. Round-headed corn symbols are men, square-headed are female. Food made from corn especially cornmeal is symbolic of the goodness of Mother Earth and Father Sky. Corn Pollen is used in many blessing ceremonies, as is cornmeal. Strings of hardened corn kernels are made into necklaces. Corn, as Jay de Groat has put it, is "Mother Earth's workmanship." Pg. 191

The Gift of the Gila Monster, Navajo Ceremonial Tales; 1993, Gerald Hausman.

Harry Walters explained that corn is a metaphor for human life because both of through the same stages of life. Both corn and humans reach a stage of fruition when they blossom: the corn bursts forth with pollen while humans also achieve a peak of development associated with sa'a naghai bik'e hozho. Harry Walters (personal communication, 1990) described this state of being: "Every time he talks, thinks, or acts, he does so in radiance, in a state of wisdom and perfect harmony." Just as the corn disseminates its pollen for the continuation of corn plants, so too humans have been entrusted with sacred responsibility to disseminate their knowledge for the benefit and continuation of future generations. Because both corn and humans need nurturance from the four directions (four cardinal light phenomena) in order to reach old age, both possess knowledge from the four directions; it is this knowledge that they take into their beings and then have a responsibility to return to those that come after them.

Earth is my Mother, Sky is my Father: Space, Time, and Astronomy in Navajo Sandpainting; 1992, Trudy Griffen-Pierce.

Corn, the symbol of food, fertility, and life itself, is of major importance. "Corn is more than human; it is divine; it (is) connected with the highest ethical ideals." Pgs. 375-76

Kinaalda', A Study of the Navaho Girl's Puberty Ceremony; 1993, Charlotte Johnson Frisbie.

The old sunwise and other ceremonial ways of planting have almost disappeared, but most Navahos still use the Indian method of planting corn in hills rather than in rows. Planting dates are determined by various means  at Navaho Mountain, for instance, by the position of the Pleiades and simple folk rites continue to be a basic part of agriculture. Pg. 30

Many ritual practices are an everyday adjunct of agriculture. Seeds are mixed with ground "mirage stone" and treated in a variety of other ways. To prevent early frosts, stones from the sweathouses are planted in the fields or at the base of fruit trees. If the crop is being damaged by wind, the wind is called by its secret name and asked to leave the corn alone. Cutworms are placed on fragments of pottery, sprinkled with pollen, and given other "magical" treatment. When the harvest is stored, a stalk of corn having two ears is placed in the bottom of the storage pit to ensure a healthy crop for the next year. At intervals while the corn is growing the farmer should go to his field, walk around and through it in a special way, singing the appropriate song. Not every Navaho farmer follows every one of these of the hundreds of other negative or positive agricultural folk rites which could be mentioned, but the writers have not known any Navaho families who do not observe some simple rituals. Pg. 143-144

The Navaho; 1946, Clyde Kluckhohn and Dorothea Leighton.

From the Puebloans they gained their first knowledge of corn and soon learned to grind it and use the meal for food and for ceremonial purposes. In order to save the best corn for themselves the owners created a taboo that the Navajos must not touch any ears except the two small ones that grew at the very top of the cornstalk, and these were likely to be small nubbins. The other, larger ears were said to belong to the gods. Pg. XXII

Hosteen Klah, Navajo Medicine Man and Sand Painter; 1964, Franc Johnson Newcomb.

A Navajo from Coalmine stated that "cased" squirrelskins were also sometimes used as containers for ceremonial materials. Bags of this type were made by both men and women and were used for storing sacred materials such as the seed corn to be planted ritually first in the center of the field.

Navajo Medicine Bundles or Jish: Acquisition, Transmission, and Disposition in the Past and Present; 1987, Charlotte J. Frisbie

Parched corn has been mentioned as an effective absorptive device. Cake [sweetened cornbread baked in a pit oven] is a treat of the Girl's Ceremony and the Flint Chant; in both it is an offering to Sun.

Farm songs belong to the entire tribe and are sung for the planting and maturation events rather than for a particular ceremony. The initial song refers to seed planting; it describes the place for planting, the seed, and offerings made to the seed [or perhaps to the earth]. The verbs are first in the form "I wish it to be...." and change later to 'It is becoming....' The second song repeats the sentiments of the first, but in the form 'It has become so.'

The songs of the second interval refer to the sprouting of the corn in terms corresponding with those of the first interval. Time is allowed for growth, then song indicates the appearance of tiny blades above the ground, another the fresh yellow-green appearance of the field; another celebrates the normal growth of the corn; a song states that the 'corn loves me' and is therefore doing well under my hand; another, that the leaves are large enough to touch one another when the wind blows; still another, that some plants are large and cast uniform shadows over the field, that red silk has appeared, that pollen has formed. Subsequent songs refer to the harvested ears, emphasizing the crackling sound made when the fully developed stalks are pulled. There are songs to describe the plucking of the ears and the piling of bundles gathered and dumped in the center of the field. The next song describes the extension of the piles of corn -'It increases by spreading'; another summarizes by describing the harvest as a whole. The pattern does not change for the husking, which is again described by sound--'now from my hands it gives forth a sound' - or for the drying, which completes the harvest.

Navajo Religion, Vol I; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950

Several versions ascribe human beings to a supernatural transformation of corn which existed primordially with First Man. Sun was said to be corn's father, Lightning its mother. According to one version, the results of the transformation were persons called First Man and First Woman, who are also referred to as `our ancestors.' From this account we may conclude that First man and first woman not only had corn in the early worlds but also were corn and came to symbolize transformation into human form. One origin is attributed to the transformation of turquoise and whiteshell images by deific ceremonial. Since, however, the jewels were laid beside corn ears, the significance is in the association between corn and precious stones rather than in the gems themselves. According to Navajo interpretation, the two would be the `the same'.

However, in contrast to the numerous etiologies of corn, accounts of the origin of particular plants are few. In some myths corn is considered primeval, for First Man had some in the first world. Other myths account for it as the gift of a god or a neighboring people. Whatever its origin, its value is constantly emphasized. According to one myth, Talking God gave corn to Whiteshell Woman and her sister, Turquoise Woman, saying, "There is no better thing than this in the world, for it is the gift of life." Later, when he visited them again and they told him they still had it, he said, "That is good, for corn is your symbol of fertility and life."

The hunting animals carried packs of corn on their backs, for they had charge of the corn-growing rite of the Fire Dance.

The complementation of corn by game is brought out by Talking God, who, in the myth of the Night Chant, instructs the her: "Never give corn to eat of its own substance. If you give it, corn will thereafter ever eat corn until all the land is destroyed. Then men will starve and have to eat one another, and thus destroy their own race. Give corn flesh to eat. For like reasons corn must be fed to the masks in the ceremonies. Should meat be fed to them, men would, thereafter, eat men." The masks of sacred buckskin represent game animals. According to tradition punishment was inevitable if the injunction was disobeyed.

Once, many years ago, when the ceremony of the corn was taking place and a young virgin was grinding meat to feed the corn, a wicked woman went out from the lodge and fed corn to the corn hanging on the poles of the drying frame. That year the people starved and men ate the flesh of other men.


Corn (na'da'), in myth and ritual at least, is reaffirmed as belonging to the Navaho from time immemorial and there is probably no rite or ceremony in which corn does not function in some form or other. The feeling about corn is expressed:
"Corn is more than human, it is divine; it was connected with the highest ethical ideals."
When Talking God gave corn to the lonely sisters of the Eagle Chant legend, he directed that they should never give it away. "Because," he explained, "there is no better thing in the world, for it is the gift of life." Later, when through ritualistic instruction their lot had improved, he said again, "Corn is your symbol of fertility and life."

Of the many representative references that might be given, a few follow: Hill 1938, pp. 20-95; Newcomb 1940b, pp.51, 71, 73, 76; Matthews 1897, pp. 137, 140, 183; 1902, pp.27, 29,106, 187-93; Haile 1938b, pp. 87, 191, 231; 1943a, pp. 162, 313, 174n; Reichard 1939, pp. 27, 30, 34, PI. IV-VII; 1944d, pp. 19, 81, 91, 113, 135; Shooting Chant ms.; Sapir-Hoijer, p. 31; Goddard, p. 174; Wheelwright 1942, p. 122, Set I, 1-4; II, 2; III, 1-4.

Corn meal (na'da'ka'n) is one of the commonest forms of corn in ceremony. It is coarsely ground, white for a man, yellow for a woman, mixed if there is a patient of each sex. Sometimes it must be ground by a virgin or at some particular place or time in the ritual cycle. It is invariably used for the hogan blessing, for sandpainting sprinkling, and as a drier after the bath in all the rites I have seen, Evil as well as Holy. Often it serves as a substitute for pollen, since corn meal is plentiful and pollen is scarce. It usually denotes the same thing, life and success along the road, exemplified by footprints laid in corn meal.
With Big Fly's help, people overcome by Spider Man heaped corn pollen and white corn meal on Spider Man until he could no longer move. Big Fly took some of these substances for future rituals.
The corn-meal drier of the Night Chant bath was said to stand for the patient's body and blood (Haile 1938b, pp. 180-3; Sapir-Hoijer, p. 251).

Corn smut (da 'a' tca'n, 'corn excrement') was the paint for the black hail spots of the Shooting Chant figure painting.
Hill describes cooked corn smut as a food. The eater applied some to his feet with the formula, "We are going to have much rain and large crops, but hail will not ruin the crops."
Corn smut was a part of the Feather Chant blackening.
Cornsmut Man was one of the Eagle Chant characters; he blackened himself with corn smut before starting to catch eagles (Hill 1938, p. 46; Newcomb 1940b, pp. 63, 65).

Navajo Religion, Vol II; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950

Four Cardinal Light

In addition to the sun and moon, the seasons, and the constellations, the four cardinal light phenomena constitute a fourth and final set of markers for the division of time. As noted above, the four cardinal light phenomena are results of the sun's apparent daily motion. These phenomena are the four directions and the times of day and colors that are linked to them. A Navajo does not think of the east without envisioning hayolkaal, Dawn, and the white color of the sky at this time of day. Next is nahodeetl'iizh, which is usually glossed as " horizontal blue" or "blue haze" in reference to the band of relatively darker blue that lies on the horizon at midday; this light is associated with the south. Nahootsoii follows and literally means "around the area becomes yellow," although this word is usually translated as "evening twilight"; it is linked to the west. Finally, chahalheel, darkness, is associated with the north and with the blackness of the night sky. These four phenomena are conceptualized as two pairs: Dawn and Twilight, Midday and Night. Once more, we see the pairing of complements so fundamental to the Navajo worldview.

Although the sun's apparent movement across the heavens results in the four cardinal light phenomena, in the story of Navajo Creation the prototypes of these light phenomena existed in the underworlds long before the creation of the sun and moon, which took place in the present world. Various translations describe them as "cloud columns," "pillars of light," " clouds of light," or simply "mists." The four lights are described as "mating" and as "giving birth" to various Navajo supernaturals, and are associated with all acts of creation. According to some accounts, First Man and First Woman themselves were created from the boundaries of pairs of these light phenomena.

When First Man unrolled his sacred medicine bundle, the source of creation and animation for all beings, the bundle was covered with "sheets" of the four cardinal light phenomena. After unrolling the four sacred jewels, he placed supernaturals in human form upon them. "Over these he spread [sheets of] dawn, evening twilight, sunlight [instead of horizontal blue of the south], a spread of darkness" (Slim Curley, in Wyman [1970a:111]).

In the drypainting in figure 4.10, Father Sky is held in place by these cloud columns. However, in this visual representation, instead of one color existing over each corner of the world, the colors are stacked so that each corner contains all four colors of cloud. The masked face of Father Sky also depicts these four cardinal light phenomena: the yellow of evening twilight covers his chin, the blue of the midday sky lies across his nose, the black of night lies under his eyes, and the white of dawn covers his forehead.

Although the four clouds of light could create life, they remained lifeless themselves (as did other natural phenomena) until the present world, when an inner form from First Man's sacred medicine bundle was placed within each of them as their life principle to vitalize and personalize each phenomenon (Wyman 1970a:381-82).

The most vivid depiction of the cardinal light phenomena is in a sand-painting from the Male Shootingway known by chanters as "The Dawn" and more commonly called "The Skies." It may be represented in trapezoidal or keystone form; as Chanter A explained, in the most elaborate version of this painting (the keystone form) both the Pathway to the Heavens and the Opening to the Heavens are symbolized.

The keystone version of The Skies" also depicts the inner beings of each phenomenon. In plate 3, four keystone shapes represent the four light phenomena; within each stands its inner form. Beginning with the east, the white of dawn contains its inner form, Dawn Boy. To the south, Blue Sky Man stands within the keystone form of the blue of the daytime sky. To the west is the yellow form of evening twilight with Yellow Evening Light Girl. Finally, in the north, darkness is spread with the beings of Darkness-the stars and constellations of the night sky and Darkness Girl.

The same or similar beings as those of the cardinal light phenomena were placed within the mountains created in the cardinal directions of the present world to animate them and to give them life. Plate 2 depicts the inner beings of the four light phenomena emerging from the Sacred Mountains. Father Berard Haile (in Farella [1984:104-5]) elicited (and recorded in Navajo) the following description of the intimate relationship between the cardinal light phenomena and the Sacred Mountains:

Sisnaajini mountain [Blanca Peak] already stood there, here on the east side. On the south side stood Mt. Taylor, on the west side San Francisco Peak, on the north side La Plata range it was found.14 This (thing) that rose as a white column in east time and again, is the inner form of Sisnaajini by which it breathes and this we know is the dawn. In the west (the rising column) is the inner form of San Francisco Peak by means of which this breathes. This, we see is evening twilight. When they joined the one from the east, you know, the people had made it daytime. (The column) from the south, the inner form of Mt. Taylor by which it breathes is, we know, the sky blue. The one from the north, the inner form of Perin's Peak by which it breathes, is really the darkness, they say. This, when it would meet the one from the south, they had made (it) the night. Here towards the south stood a mountain yellow in color, and right opposite, to wards the east there was a dark mountain. So you see that was the condition of their country.

Figure 4.11, adapted from Haile's notes, shows the inner forms of the cardinal directions with the four Sacred Mountains lying at their feet. The names of these inner forms differ according to sex and generation in published Navajo accounts. The chanter who worked with Haile (1943b:70-71) calls the inner form of the white dawn "Dawn Man," whom we see lying in the east with Blanca Peak, the Sacred Mountain of the east, at his feet. To the south is Horizontal Blue man with Mount Taylor; to the west is Evening Twilight Woman with San Francisco Peak; and to the north lies Darkness Woman with Hesperus Peak, the Sacred Mountain of the north, at her feet. Pg. 88-92.

Earth is my Mother, Sky is my Father: Space, Time, and Astronomy in Navajo Sandpainting; 1992, Trudy Griffen-Pierce.

Blue-horizon-light (naxode'ctli'j) (H) refers to the earth's shadow, which, the Navaho say, is the rise of darkness from the east, a red or rose-colored line that appears just before sunset and gradually rises until it disappears in darkness before it reaches the zenith. It is a manifestation of nature and, in my material, is hardly a deity. However, since it is listed in formula, prayer, and song with the gods and as a member of the Day-Sky group, and since Dawn and Darkness People are defined, it is almost certainly personified.

Yellow-evening-light (naxatsoi, naxotsoi, naxa'atsoi) (H) is the last of the western sunset glow; it is coupled with Blue-horizon-light, the earth's shadow.

Navajo Religion, Vol II; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950

People/Diversity

Big Star Chant: There will always be different kinds of people in the world and we must make the best of it. Pg. 46

Big Star makes peace between them with instructions that neither should return to the wife and the admonition that there will always be different kinds of people in the world snake, coyote, star people and that "they must make the best of it." Pg. 126, Big Star Way.

Navajo Chantway Myths, 1957; Katherine Spencer.

Once, in hearing two conflicting presentations of the same origin tale, I asked why they were not the same. The answer, according to one storyteller, was that "not everyone has the same mind, or the same thought." I have also heard it said:"Not everyone who listens hears the same words." Pgs. 69, 70

After this, all the Animal People came up. Lion, Deer, Antelope (these are now the Pueblo people, the Ute people and the Apache people) also came. Two people who came up had arrows in their hands:One went to the sun and the other went to the moon. There were four white-faced people who came up (these are the White people of today) and they were riding upon a rainbow. They went away, but they said they would return one day and teach what they knew to the others. Pgs. 78, 79

The Gift of the Gila Monster, Navajo Ceremonial Tales; 1993, Gerald Hausman.

The Anglo metaphor that equates people's beginnings with their "roots" also exists in Navajo: the correct way to begin in Navajo culture is with one's roots, whether it is working from the feet upward for ceremonial procedures, or stating one's mother's clan and one's father's clan as a means of introducing oneself. It is only by establishing a deeply rooted foundation that people have strength and stability; if their roots are too shallow they fall over in the wind like a corn plant without sufficient root structure (here we see another aspect of the metaphor that equates the corn plant with human life). People's roots must go back into an established family structure and deep into the earth, connecting each individual to all other living beings and to the earth itself. Pgs. 193-94

Earth is my Mother, Sky is my Father:Space, Time, and Astronomy in Navajo Sandpainting; 1992, Trudy Griffen-Pierce.

Meanwhile the gods reached the cave, and they had to use ladders to reach down to the Hahheenah-dinneh or Emergence people and bring them up to the surface of the earth. So the people came out onto this earth, and were very glad to leave the cave as they had been there a long time, and had been much worried about what was going to become of them. The little ants were the first to come out, and the turkey people were the last, and Hashjeshjin (the Fire God) counted them as they came out. The gods told them that they had made a beautiful world and that it was quite safe and they answered:"We are glad." Begochiddy then said to the gods that all people in the future should have different languages and the gods agreed to this. They divided all the clothing so that each people should have a certain share, and the beasts also could choose which tribe they should join. The Navahos took the best seed of the corn while the Pueblos and Zuni took the poorer seeds. The birds chose their tribes, but only the turkey people chose to go with the Navahos. Estsan-ah-tlehay, the Changing Woman, took the turkeys and held them in her arms.
Begochiddy and the gods said to the people:"You are all going to have different languages now, live differently, and do your hair in different ways." The Navajos did their hair in a queue and the other tribes cut their across the front, and this is the way they do it to this day. They told the birds how they were to live and build their nests and they all agreed to do as they were told. Then Begochiddy told the people how they were to worship. They must beep the prayer stick or ceremonial Kehtahns holy, and they must place pollen and flint and shell beads and turquoise and medicine near the Kehtahns when they pray, and Begochiddy will hear them and answer their prayers. Pgs. 106-107

Navajo Creation Myth, The Story of the Emergence; 1942, Mary C. Wheelwright.

The chanter Klah believed that a people different from the Navajo would succeed them. He thought the whites were the successors and for this reason was not only willing to teach them the fundamentals of Navajo belief but also deeply concerned that they should learn accurately.

Basketry

Basketry is a woman's industry, which is also pursued by the nadle (he changes), hermaphrodites, or men skilled in the arts and industries of both men and women. Basketry, however, is not classified with textile fabrics (yistl'o), but with sewing (nalkhad). It is of interest also that, while the basket is in progress, the sewer is untouched and avoided by the members of her family. The material, too, of which the basket is made is placed beyond the immediate reach of the household. Finally the sewing is accomplished with the utmost expediency, and is undertaken by skilled sewers only. Should an unskilled person tamper with this occupation, it is believed that sickness and rheumatic stiffness affects the wrists and joints. This is remedied by the singer who, in the course of a ceremony, clothes both arms of the patient with the skin of a fawn (bi'yazh), whereupon a hole is broken into the south side of the hogan through which the patient extends her hand and wrist. As soon as the wrist appears on the outside, her younger sister takes it between her teeth, pressing them lightly into the skin, which supposedly removes the stiffness (nasdo'). At present this rite is rarely necessary, but suggests a reason for the taboo (bahadzid) placed upon anything connected with basketry and for the readiness with which the Navaho decline to pursue the industry.


The dimensions of a basket often exceed twelve to fourteen inches in diameter, and are usually a fraction more than three inches in depth. As a material, the twigs of sumac (ki, or chilchin) are used. A triple incision is made into the butt end of the twig, one part of which is held between the teeth while the other two are torn off with the fingers. Each part is then scraped clean of its bark with a knife of piece of tin, and the twigs to be dyed are laid aside in a heap, while the natural color of the twig furnishes the lighter shades of the designs. The dyes used are identical with those used for coloring wool, though, obviously, the mordant of boiled sumac leaves (ki) becomes superfluous. Cedar ashes supposedly add luster to the color and contribute to its adhesive quality. Black was obtained from surface coal (lejin), added to boiling sumac leaves (ki), or from a sulfurous rock (tsekho), slightly roasted (ilt'es) with pine gum or rosin (je'). When ready this was added to the boiling twigs giving them a lustrous black color similar to charcoal (t'esh nahalin). The root of juniper (gad behetl'ol) and mountain mahogany (tseesdasi behetlol) are boiled together, after which the ground bark of alder (kish yikago) is added to obtain a pale red, into which the twigs are immersed. At times the joint fir (tlo' azehi, Ephedra trifurcata) is substituted for alder bark, while cedar ashes add luster to the color.

Blue was frequently obtained with indigo, though a native blue is also prepared from a bluish clay or ocher called adishtl'ish, which is pulverized and mixed with water. Various shades of yellow are obtained with plants like Bigelovia (kiltsoi), the sneeze weed (naeeshja ilkhei, Helenium hoopesii), or the sorrel (jat'ini), the flowers of which are crumpled and boiled, with cedar ashes thrown in.

The dyeing done, the twigs, both colored and uncolored, are placed in water to render them moist and pliable. The butt ends of the first twigs are wound around a small stick known as the bottom of the basket, and secured there with yucca. An awl, made of deer-bone (bi' bikhetsin), is now used in sewing the basket for which an iron awl is found impractible. The sewing is always done sunrise, or from left to right, giving the basket the shape of a helical coil when finished. Much deftness and constant application are required to obtain a close weave which will hold water after a few minutes moistening, while baskets of inferior quality require moistening much longer. The designs are, of course, woven with the colored twigs. Yellow and blue, however, are now rarely used, and the usual pattern is a band three to six inches wide, woven with zigzag edges in black with a line of red running through the center, and set, as it were, on a light background made of the natural color of the twig. Or, this band is sometimes displaced by a set of four or more square figures woven at intervals, with a colored circle entwining the lower part of each square. The colors in this and the first pattern might be increased to two or more according to taste. Both patterns are designated as tsa', basket, without reference to their designs. Of the two extinct patterns, the tsa' netse', or coiled basket, presented a design of vari-colored coils following each other, while the tsa' hokhani, or basket of enclosures, presented a set of four triangles whose apices rested on the center or bottom of the basket. From the base of each of these triangles three squares, increasing in width, extended to the rim of the basket, giving the whole design a shape similar to the Maltese Cross. While no special rules were laid down with regard to the blending of colors, or the number of figures and circles in a design, it was essential that every design be broken or intersected by a line of uncolored twigs. In baskets with circular designs this was comparatively easy, but in the tsa' hokhani, or basket of enclosures, it was found necessary to intersect one set of squares in order to make this line quite apparent. It was therefore called qaatqin (qatqin), the way out, or chohot'i, the line leading out, and was prescribed lest the sewer, in bending all her energies and applications upon her work, enclose herself and thus lose her sight and mind. A parallel is found in overdoing weaving, singing, in amassing fortune, or in the opening left in the figure of the queue and bow. This intersection always runs in a radial line with the close of the seam on the imbricated rim of each basket, which in turn serves as a guide in the directional assignment, as the close always faces eastward. Hence the singer always looks or feels for the closed rim, designated as bida' astl'o, where the rim is woven (instead of sewed). The details involved in mending this rim, as well as the taboo placed upon the wearing of a basket as a headgear, the legends of the origin of the basket, and relative subjects, are beyond the scope of the present work. Suffice to say, that the basket is made exclusively for ceremonial use, and is an integral part of every rite, as none is holy (diyin) without it.

The strength and elasticity of the Navaho basket renders it serviceable as a drum, in other words, it is turned down and beaten with the drumstick. Should it be turned up again before the close of the ceremony, it indicates that the singer has suspended the continuation of the ceremony. The basket is also used as a receptacle for the rattles, prayersticks, stones, herbs, medicines, and like ceremonial paraphernalia. The ceremonial bath is administered in the basket. The mask of the Fringed Mouth (zahodolzhai) is supported on a basket from which the bottom has been cut out. At the marriage ceremony a new basket is required in which to serve the porridge. As it is frequently impossible for the couple to consume its contents, the basket is passed around to the visiting guests. Whosoever consumes the final portion of the porridge also takes possession of the basket, wherefore baskets thus obtained are designated as tsa' na'obani, or the basket which was won. It is otherwise referred to as danakhan bi'odani, the basket from which they eat the porridge. The so-called wedding basket is therefore unknown. In the early days baskets were woven of yucca braid. The pith of the yucca leaf was extracted and dyed in the same manner as sumac twigs today. It was also permissible to use the designs of the basket in the decoration of the uppers for moccasins made of yucca. The remnants of twigs used for baskets are employed in constructing the so called owls (naeshja). Pgs. 291-296

An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language; 1910, The Franciscan Fathers.

Even such everyday tasks as weaving must be done only in moderation. Many women will not weave more than about two hours at a stretch; in the old days unmarried girls were not allowed to weave for fear they would overdo, and there is a folk rite for curing the results of excess in this activity. Closely related is the fear of completely finishing anything: as a "spirit outlet," the basket maker leaves an opening in the design. Pgs. 225-226

The Navaho; 1946, Clyde Kluckhohn and Dorothea Leighton.

According to Washington Matthews the Navahoes have many legends with which baskets are connected. Here is a description of the first baby baskets ever made. Surely none but a poetic and imaginative people could ever have conceived so wonderful a basket. Their gods of war were born of two women, one fathered by the sun, the other by a waterfall, and when they were born they were placed in baby baskets both alike as follows: The foot-rests and the back battens were made of sunbeam, the hoods of rainbow, the side-strings of sheet lightning, and the lacing strings of zigzag lightning. One child they covered with the black cloud, and the other with the female rain.

Another form of this story says that the boy born first was wrapped in black cloud. A rainbow was used for the hood of his basket and studded with stars. The back of the frame was perihelion, with the bright spot at its bottom shining at the lowest point. Zigzag lightning was laid in each side and straight lightning down the middle in front. Niltsatlol (sunbeams shining on a distant rainstorm) formed the fringe in front where Indians now put strips of buckskin. The carry-straps were sunbeams. Pg. 23

In many Indian ceremonies baskets play a most important part. For nine days these ceremonies last, the first day being devoted to the building and dedication of a medicine hogan and a sweat house. Around this sweat house wands of turkey feathers were placed, which were brought hither in one of these sacred baskets; and when the sweating process was over the wands were collected, placed in the basket and removed to the medicine hogan. On the fourth day two of these baskets figured prominently in the ceremonies. A medicine basket containing amole root and water was placed in front of a circle made of sand and covered with pine boughs. A second basket contained water and a quantity of pine needles sufficiently thick to form a dry surface, and on the top of these needles a number of valuable necklaces of coral, turquoise and silver were placed. A square was formed on the edge of the basket with four of the turkey wands before mentioned. The song priest with rattle led several priests in singing. The invalid sat to the northeast of the circle, a breech cloth his only apparel. During the chanting an attendant made suds by macerating the amole and beating it up and down in the water. The basket remained in position; the man stooped over it, facing north; his position allowed the sunbeams which came through the fire opening to fall upon the suds. When the basket was a mass of white froth the attendant washed the suds from his hands by pouring water from a Paiuti basket water-bottle (Fig. 20) over them, after which the song priest came forward and with corn pollen drew a cross over the suds, which stood firm like the beaten whites of eggs, the arms of the cross pointing to the cardinal points. A circle of the pollen was then made around the edge of the suds." This crossing and circling of the basket of suds with the pollen is supposed to give them additional power in restoring the invalid to health. The invalid now knelt upon the pinion boughs in the center of the same circle. "A handful of the suds was placed on his bead. The basket was now placed near to him, and he bathed his head thoroughly ; the maker of the suds afterwards assisted him in bathing the entire body with the suds, and pieces of yucca were rubbed upon the body. The chant continued through the ceremony and closed just as the remainder of the suds was emptied by the attendant over the invalid's head. The song priest collected the four wands from the second basket, and an attendant gathered the necklaces; a second attendant placed the basket before the invalid, who was now sitting in the center of the circle, and the first attendant assisted him in bathing the entire body with this mixture; the body was quite covered with the pine needles, which had become very soft from soaking. The invalid then returned to his former position at the left of the song priest, and the pine needles of the yucca,or amole, together with the sands, were carried out and deposited at the foot of a pinion tree. The body of the invalid was dried by rubbing with meal." This taking out of the sands, pine needles, etc., used in the ceremony was supposed to take away so much of the disease that had been washed from the invalid.

Later in the day at another most elaborate ceremony baskets filled with food are placed in a circle around a fire in the medicine lodge. One of the priests takes a pinch of food from each basket, and places it in another basket. This is then prayed over, smoked over and thus made a powerful medicine by the song-priest. After the priest has gone through several performances with it, the invalid dips his three first fingers into the mixture, puts them in his mouth, and loudly sucks in the air. This is repeated four times. Then all the attendants do likewise, with a prayer for rain, good crops, health and riches. This food is afterwards dried by the chief medicine man, made into a powder, and is one of his most potent medicines. On the sixth day a great sand painting is made in the medicine lodge, and the invalid, as he enters, is required to take the sacred medicine basket, which is now filled with sacred meal, and sprinkle the painting with it. The chief figures of the painting were the goddesses of the rainbow, whose favor it was desired he should gain. Again and again in the ceremonies these sacred baskets are used, and on the ninth day in the concluding dance the invalid takes it full of sacred meal and sprinkles all the dancers. The full description of this wonderful series of ceremonies is found in the Eighth Annual Report of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology.

If the margin is worn through or torn, the basket is unfit for sacred use. The basket is one of the perquisites of the shaman when the rites are done; but he, in turn, must give it away, and must he careful never to eat out of it. Notwithstanding its sacred uses, food may be served in it by any other person than the shaman who has used it ceremonially. Fig. 29 shows the other form of Navaho sacred basket. It is also made of aromatic sumac, and is used in the rites to hold sacred meal. The crosses are sai