of the Navaho is both secular and sacred. It is vocal music, which may or may
not be accompanied by drums, rattles, and whistles, according to its context.
If a drum is called fro, it will be one of two types. The first, a pot drum, is
made by covering a small earthen pot with a buckskin. This drum, which contains
water, is struck with a looped drumstick. The second kind is a basket drum. This
is made by inverting a ceremonial basket and tapping it with a moccasin, straight
stick, belt, or the regular drumstick of plaited yucca. The basket drum can be
used with a resonator; in the nine-day Red Ant Way Ceremonial, for example, the
basket is inverted over a hole scooped out of the hogan floor. Rattles of hide,
hoof, or gourd are used in many chants. The hide, which may be buffalo, badger,
or rawhide, is shaped and sewed when moist and the handle is platted (plaited)
of the same material as the rattle. Small pebbles of white shell, turquoise, abalone,
cannel coal and red-white stone are inserted to produce a rattling sound. The
gourd rattle is made of a hollow gourd with a stick attached for a handle. It
is decorated with figures of the sun, moon, or some constellation.
Flutes are presently nonexistent, although formerly corn
was supposedly ground at the war dance in time to "a flute made of the
stalk of the sun flower and provided with four keys." According to the
Franciscan Fathers, whistles are used in both the Bead Chant and Hochooji',
or Evil Way.
The one used in the Bead Chant is made of the leg bone
of a jack rabbit killed by an eagle. this is spliced, and removing the marrow,
a piece of the inner ear of the jack rabbit is laid between the two pieces of
bone and wound with sinew.
Whistles are also used in Peyote ritual, the Shooting
Way, Red Ant Way, and other ceremonies. The music of the Blessing Way Ceremony,
and hence that of the Kinaalda', is unaccompanied. The songs are sung in a style
characterized by nasality, vibrato, a tense, rigorous manner, medium to high
pitch level which rises steadily during the night, occasional indefiniteness
of certain not pitches, a few ornaments, sharp emphases, and much individual
variation. The element of falsetto which characterizes Yeibichai songs and some
Squaw Dance Songs is rarely in evidence in the songs of the puberty ceremony.
While women may and often do sing, ceremonial practitioners are almost invariably
men. Wearing ceremonial headbands (in the case of leaders), they typically sing
in a seated position, with eyes closed and fists clenched. Frank Mitchell said
the eyes are shut so the songs can be remembered more accurately. Singing is
usually a group activity; it contrasts with the unified singing of the neighboring
Pueblos in its "wild freedom." Pg. 89- 91
Kinaalda', A Study of the Navaho Girl's Puberty Ceremony;
1993, Charlotte Johnson Frisbie.
As an accompaniment to song many chants require a rattle
(aghal). Thus, the mountain and witch chants employ a buffalo hide rattle (ayani
aghal); the hozhone (beauty chant) requires the badger hide rattle (nahashcid
aghal); the knife chant (beshe) a hoof rattle (akheshga aghal), which is made
of hoofs of the deer, antelope, bighorn, etc., while the big star chant (sotsoji)
employs both the rawhide and gourd rattles. The night chant, with the various
branches of the wind chants, and the water (tqoae), Big God and feather (atsosiji)
chants, all employ the gourd rattle (ade aghal). Other chants, with exception
of the blessing (hozhoji), bead and feather shaft (khasi) chants, use the rawhide
rattle (akhal aghal). The hide for the rattle is shaped and sewed when moist,
and the handle is platted of the same material as the rattle. Small pebbles
of white shell, turquoise, abalone, cannel coal and red-white stone are inserted
to produce a rattling sound. The gourd rattle is made of a hollow gourd with
a stick attached for a handle. It is decorated with figures of the sun, moon,
or some constellation. At the close of some ceremonies, or when the close terminates
in public exhibitions from the fifth night until the finish, the rattle is accompanied
by the drum. The drum is the basket turned down which is beaten with a drumstick
made of plaited yucca. Tradition also mentions the use of a notched stick which
was drawn over the basket instead of the present drumstick. The drum is not
part of the medicine bag (jish) but is furnished by the patient. The bead, witch
and star chants, as well as all one night ceremonies, dispense with the use
of the drum. tsa yasetqa (the basket is turned down), the drum; tsa degnilde,
or deg setqa, the basket is thrown up, implying that the ceremony has been abruptly
closed. The singer at times resorts to this measure to enforce discipline. Pgs.
The cooking pot is largely in use, both for domestic
and ceremonial purposes. In the well-known war dance the pot is quickly converted
into a drum by stretching a piece of goat, sheep or buckskin across the mouth
of the pot and securing it just below the flaring rim. This is tapped with a
small round stick producing a dull sound which is kept up incessantly during
the entire dance. Pg. 289
An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language; 1910,
The Franciscan Fathers.
In a typical Holyway chant, . . . A short singing of
an hour of more follows, often accompanied by drumming on an inverted basket.
Beautyway: A Navaho Ceremonial; 1957, Leland C. Wyman.
Primitive music is an integral part of Navajo rites.
Always there is rattle or tom-tom, probably of African origin With such crude
instruments as a pot with a skin stretched over it for a drum and a willow branch
for a drumstick, it is remarkable how many rhythmical variations the Navajos
can produce. To the beat of the drum and the rattle of the gourd, medicine men
chant legends in rhyme at great length, with many repetitions and minor changes.
The tones strike the stranger as monotonous or wild, yet they are not as simple
as they appear. Although the refrains, which are the most characteristic part
of the songs, sound alike, they are never the same in any two. Even a change
in accent or emphasis may change the entire meaning of a verse. However, they
always follow an established order; any deviation would be sacrilegious. Some
words, as in some of our old prayers, are archaic and no longer mean anything
even to the Navajos.
The length of chant or dance varies from a few hours
to as much as nine days and nine nights, depending upon the significance of
the occasion. When the medicine man has to eat and rest, the chanting is kept
going by assistant medicine men in the less important parts. Chants deal with
every phase of human life. There are chants of traveling, of farming, of building
hogans, of hunting, of war, of gambling, of birth, and of death. The song of
building the hogan, for instance, may proceed from the moment of thinking about
it, building it, moving into it, or lighting the first fire in it. There are
chants for dispelling evil spirits, for nullifying the evil effects of lightning,
for trapping eagles. No illness can be cured without a specific chant. When
someone dies, there are four days of chanting and mourning so that the spirit
can make four circles before it departs for the lower worlds.
All Navajo chants are sacred. They must be sung exactly
as directed by tradition, since any error or inefficiency might even be fatal.
Should error occur, such as an omission, wrong pronunciation or misplacement
of a single syllable or word, clemency will be canceled and the hundreds of
persons who have come to the ceremonial will be dispersed without the hoped-for
blessing. The Navajo mind is rich in poetry and imagery. Unlike our exact and
scientific thinking, his is relatively inexact, figurative, and intuitive. His
imagination finds expression in sandpaintings full of color, symbolism, and
theme. His mythology, whether chanted in verse or in prose, is replete with
mysterious tales dealing with gods who always understand him. Those who measure
the Navajo only by the standards of a mechanized and exact world cannot believe
that he could attain such poetic expression of thought and feeling as he has
put, for example, into the following two verses from the Mountain Chant:
that beautifies the land!
of the thunder,
the dark clouds
and again it sounds,
that beautifies the land!
that beautifies the land!
of the grasshopper,
the flowers and grasses
and again it sounds,
that beautifies the land!
Gods, Tom-toms; By S.H. Babington, 1950.
pot drum was prepared for the War Ceremony, the jewels stood for the 'floor
of the drums's home,' into which the sounds were pounded.
some ways in which sounds bring blessings. Sometimes, however, they ward off
evil. Each deity, helper, and object has some power expressed by sound. Because
of its purpose, primarily to counteract harm done by the monsters but also to
control all kinds of enemy ghosts, the War Ceremony has more sound symbolism
than any of the other ceremonies for which there are texts.
explanation is that the harmful sounds of the slain monsters were beaten into
the earth and the War Ceremony compensates the earth for the evils left over
from prehistoric times. To make it successful, the enemy is sung and beaten
into the earth. Beating the pot drum is beating the face of the enemy. With
each beat of the stick on the pot drum the minds of enemy ghosts are drawn down
toward the earth. Pg. 259
in an early work, "Navajo Gambling Songs," refers to the large number
of songs concerned with the moccasin game. One old man said there were four
thousand, and another that there was no creature that walked, flew or crawled
in all the world known to the Navaho that had not at least one song in the game
and that many had more. The reason is almost certainly that the game originated
as a contest for day and night in which all living things participated. The
samples recorded are simpler than the chant songs; the words, at least, impressionistically
characterize an animal or person. Owl, for instance, repeats: "I do not
want the night to end."
sings of his rival:
owl hates me.
bring home many rabbits.
is why he hates me.
cheated by chewing a hole in the moccasin, thus enabling the guesser to see
the stone hidden in it.
sees where the stone is.
sees where the stone is.
striking! Keep striking [the moccasin in which the stone is hidden]!
suggests that a charming descriptive narrative drama could be reconstructed
on the basis of these songs alone. Their music must differ as much as their
literary quality from the long, repetitious chant and rite songs.
function of song is to preserve order, to co-ordinate the ceremonial symbols;
a secondary purpose must be enjoyment. if we may judge by the effort exerted
by the lay Navaho to attend and participate in the ceremony, for it is unlikely
that he knows the deepest significance of the songs.
of the song coming from the cover of darkness just cited shows how tangible
the Navaho feel the songs are. The song not only came from the cover, it was
the cover. Time and again song and a blanket or curtain are identified. A song
moving out into the space immediately surrounding an individual - for example,
a horseman riding at night or anyone alone and fearful - establishes a zone
of protection that gives comfort, for within it is the person who dissipates
the evils by the compulsion of sound and words at the same time that he buoys
up his own spirit.
Toad Youth sang for Monster Slayer when he attacked the Gray Gods: "The
song was set as a cover upon every deed that The Twins performed against the
monsters." In the foregoing examples the verb refers to a blanketlike protection;
here the verb means something more, like a lid or bottle stopper.
said to be kept in a paunch and were referred to as casually as cookies in a
jar. In line with the song of the living creatures is that of the kernel of
dried corn that begged for attention and water.
be a demonstration of inner strength.
by the Arrow People, the younger Twin said to his brother, "I wonder how
strong I am inside; I'll try to speak out," and forthwith he started a
song and was able to finish it.
song may cause increase in size. In one version of the emergency myth, when
the World Pillars began to sing, the small model of the earth stretched to its
numerous powers, each defined by something in addition to the song itself, and
it seems as if the expression of pure joy is subordinated to other functions.
Narration, description, and repetition are often compulsive in songs of sequence.
Unless a warrior has been killed, rejoicing in the form of gloating and reviling
was incorporated in a serenade after the return of a war party. Though enjoyed
because of victory, the serenade, like other parts of the War Ceremony, was
exorcistic; saying a thing was true made it true.
of song is summarized by the excerpt: "Changing Woman taught songs to her
two divine children, admonishing them, 'Do not forget the songs I have taught
you. The day you forget them will be the last; there will be no other days."
a form of wealth. Individuals own songs for increase and prosperity, songs belonging
to the fetishes of domestic animals and the bundles of the simple domestic rites
devoted to family or group welfare.
the difference between songs owned and sung by chanters and those 'belonging
to the whole group.' "A man should not keep these [the latter] secret because
they refer to food and are essential to the life of the people. They should
be taught to anyone who asks for them and a man should not have to pay for them."
attitude was displayed when negotiations were made for the dedication of the
Gallup stadium. "Will there by any objection to singing the songs of the
House Blessing?" the chanter was asked. "No, because they belong to
everybody," was the answer.
is framed in song terms: "I have always been a poor man. I do not own a
like other forms of wealth, may be exchanged. At an impasse an evil power -
Star, Thunder, Snake - says, "My offering, my song, my prayer, I will give
in exchange for my life." No one should sing a song unless he can prove
ownership, his right to sing it. Some songs are individualistic. RP composed
a song for each of his grandchildren shortly after its birth and, as soon as
the child was old enough, taught it the new song. We ought to know if and how
such personal songs differ from the ritualistic ones and whether they were a
general custom or merely the whim of a doting grandfather. Unfortunately, I
did not follow up the matter.
when the lesson at the Hogan School was about birds, RP came in as was his wont.
As the name of each bird was written on the blackboard, he quietly sand the
bird's song. It was not the imitation of a bird call; indeed, it has little,
if any, of such character. As far as I know, such songs have not previously
been reported. They may belong to ritual, but I heard them as a spontaneous
expression. Perhaps they belong to the moccasin game, played to decide the length
of day and night.
about women's singing conflict. Their shyness and aversion to singing in public
do not mean that women cannot or do not like to sing at all. They have lovely
lullabies and teach other songs to little boys and girls. MA taught such songs
to her grandchildren, yet I never heard her sing.
Navaho, song is a necessity; it is an inspiration, a hope, a protection and
comfort, a guide to one in want of a procedure, a means of transforming frustration
content parallels closely that of the prayer. For instance, in prayer Monster
Slayer is invoked through the bow symbol marked on the rattlestick; explanations
of the various applications to the rattlestick are cited. The songs mention
what Monster Slayer is doing, what he has done, what will happen; both prayer
and song catalogue the good that will come to the patient.
exorcistic rites express strong emotion - vengeance, triumph in victory, retribution
- elements I have not found in Holy ceremonies. Neither song nor prayer includes
pity, patronage, humility, or gratitude for blessings conferred. Since the Navaho
can never be better than he thinks he is, or his lot than he says it is, he
alludes to fear, but does not mention it directly. The Blackening songs contrast
the apprehension felt in enemy territory with the security of home; characteristically,
both ideas are applied to persons:
ground with [their spirits]
in his own country I wish the enemy may die.
parts of the Navaho country rejoicing, flute-playing, and peace have returned.
into the ground with the enemy, down into the ground with him [that is, with
his spirit, by means of beating the pot drum].
continue with a vivid description of the slaughter, of the enemy's shortcomings
and inability to protect his womenfolk from disgrace - really a curse put to
to deeds in the Navaho country are 'attractive' in their content; they identify
the patient with success and safety, with long life, with the favorable ritualistic
symbols of the blackening as they apply to the Navaho, and they also mention
the exorcistic symbols as they apply to the enemy. Whereas the first set of
songs curses as it drives out fears, the second mentions the same details with
assurance they they are controlled, thus demonstrating the Navaho faith. The
evils have been scattered, repelled by the ritualistic machinery. The pattern
of reviling and the change to satisfaction is similar in the Male Shooting Chant
Evil and the Big Star Chant, both of which belong to the Evil side.
group of the Big Star Chant, containing eight songs for the ascent and eight
for the descent of the cliff, describes the anger of Spider and Swallow People
with the subjects and treatment included in prayer, songs of sequence are mainly
descriptive and narrative. The song burdens concerned with the making of the
War Ceremony rattlestick illustrate a common narrative feature that is fundamentally
linguistic, for it depends upon the tense-aspect system of the verb. In Navaho,
verbs of action and motion are differentiated in a rather simple tense system-present,
past, and future - and a complicated aspect system - progressive, momentary,
customary, inceptive, and cessative.
therefore, the burden of the song has a tense or aspective change to indicate
progression from a wish to an accomplishment, a linguistic device related to
the symbolism of motion. Hence, there are songs and prayers, as well as sandpaintings,
whose theme is motion. Similarly, too, there is emphasis on place and its description.
Several groups of songs having different purposes illustrate these emphases.
Generally a song or a song set demonstrates more than one of these points.
Religion, Vol I; Gladys A. Reichard, 1950